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25Racismisaphenomenonborneoutofcenturiesofviolence.
ItbeganwithphysicalactsofviolenceatthehandsofslaversandcolonizersfromEuropewhoexertedphysicalaggressioncombinedwitheconomic,social,andpsychologicalcontroloverindigenousandAfricanpeopleastheysimultaneouslybuiltthewealthofWesternnations.
Thesevio-lentactionslaidthefoundationforasystemofthinking,beliefs,andfeelingsabouthumanworththatwouldbecomedifficultforthepeo-plewholivedinthesesocieties,theenslavedandnon-enslaved,nottobeensnaredinit.
ThesystemwouldalsoprovideopportunitiesforEuropeansandWhitestorendermoralreasoninganddecisionsaboutnon-Whitepeopleinunjustwaysandinthefaceofglaringcon-tradictionsabouttheperpetrators'andtheirbeneficiaries'percep-tionsofthemselvesasfairanddecentpeople.
RacewouldbecometheimpetusforWhitepeopletodeterminewhichgroupsofpeoplewouldbeseenasvariouslydeservingornotdeservingofbeingviolentlyseized,exploitedornotexploited,andwhichwouldbethetargetsofbeingcapturedandtreatedlikeanimals.
Fromthepowerfulwhoper-petratedtheactstothosewhoseliveswereimperiled,andeveryoneinbetween,racismbecameacementedfixtureintheU.
S.
andinsocietiesaroundtheworld.
Whatwouldalsobecomeafixtureisthesustainingpresenceofviolenceassociatedtheviolencethatyokedthefreewiththeunfree.
JamesBaldwincapturedthisyokedrelationshipwhenhewrotethat"theglorificationofoneraceandtheconsequentdebasementofCHAPTER2ViolenceandRacializedLivesTheAuthor(s)2019C.
E.
F.
Thompson,APsychologyofLiberationandPeace,Pan-AfricanPsychologies,https://doi.
org/10.
1007/978-3-030-13597-3_226C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONanother—orothers—alwayshasbeenandalwayswillbearecipeformurder"(1963,p.
334).
Thetermracializedviolenceisusedinthisbooktoemphasizetheviolencethathasandcontinuestogiveshapetothesustainingpres-enceofrace.
HowviolencewasusedtowieldpowerandterrorinthelivesofBlackpeopleisclearinaccountsoftheTransatlanticslavetradeforexample,isostensiblymorepalpablethaninmorecontemporaryaccounts.
However,thisviolenceisrealizedrepeatedlyintheexperi-encesofBlackpeopleinrelationtotheexperiencesofWhites,withbothgroupsbeingdefinedraciallyinmattersoflifeanddeathandinprosper-ityandfailure.
Itisviolencethatinformspeople'sraciallivesandthere-fore,thepotentialforterrorandcontrariwise,thepotentialforescapingitsavetheepisodicexperiencesofretaliatorydanger.
ThisparadigmofraceasarelationalphenomenonisatthebaseofManichaenismpsychol-ogy,describedbyFanon(1952)associetalconstructionsofpolaroppo-sitesthataffirmthegoodnessofapopulationofpeople(Whites)asitsimultaneouslyaffirmsthebadnessorundesirabilityofother,lesspower-fulpopulations(BlacksandotherPeopleofColor).
TheaccountsoftheracializedviolencethattheEuropeansleveledagainstAfricanpeoplehavebeencapturedinbookspublishedintheearlyandmid-twentiethcentury.
ThescholarswhowereamongthefirsttowriteabouttheseaccountsincludeW.
E.
B.
DuBoisin1915and1947,amongmanybytheprolificauthor,andlaterinthelat-terpartofthetwentiethcenturybyC.
L.
R.
James(1963),IvanvanSertima(1976),WalterRodney(1972),CheikhAntaDiop(1963),AliMazrui(1986),ChancellorWilliams(1987),andJohnHenrikClarke(1998).
Theearlyhistorianswhowroteabouttheexperiencesofenslave-mentintheUnitedStatesincludedJohnHopeFranklin(1947),JohnBlassingame(1977,1979),C.
VannWoodward(1951,1957),andEugeneGenovese(1965),justtonameafew.
Iciteonlytheearlyworksofseveraloftheseauthorsmostofwhomhavewrittenseveralbooksorlatereditionsoftheoriginalbooks.
Notablebookshavebeenwrittenmorerecentlybyseveralauthors,someofwhicharecitedinthischapter,andincludeinsightfulexaminationsofthenuancedexperiencesofBlackpeoplebasedontheintersectinginfluencesofsocialclass,gendersocial-izationandsexism(e.
g.
,Berry,2005;Hine,1997,2000;Ransby,2003,aspertainingtoBlackwomen).
Therearemyriadexamplesoftheviolencethatunderliesthecon-structionofraceasaphenomenonthatinveighsthedestructionofBlack2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES27peopleastheundesirablepopulationandtheparallelconstructionofwealthandotherfreedomsforWhitepeopleasthegoodandmoredesir-able,deservingpopulation.
InreferencetoKingLeopold'sofBelgium'shorrificrapeofBelgium,DuBois(1920)describedhowtheregimeresultedinthedeathsoftwelvemillionnatives.
Itwasalsoaregimeinwhich…therealcatastropheintheCongowasdesolationandmurderinthelargersense.
Theinvasionoffamilylifetheruthlessdestructionofeverysocialbarrier,theshatteringofeverytriballaw,theintroductionofcrim-inalpracticeswhichstruckthechiefsofthepeopledumbwithhorror—inaword,averitableavalancheoffilthandimmoralityoverwhelmedtheCongotribes…YetthefieldofBelgiumlaughed,thecitiesweregay,artandscienceflourished….
(p.
190,DuBois,1920,emphasisadded)NegritudescholarCésaire(2000[1972])wrote:Iamtalkingaboutmillionsofmeninwhomfearhasbeencunninglyinstilled,whohavebeentaughttohaveaninferioritycomplex,totremble,kneel,anddespair,andbehavelikeflunkeys…Iamtalkingaboutnaturaleconomiesthathavebeendisrupted—harmoniousandviableeconomiesadaptedtotheindigenouspopulation—aboutfoodcropsdestroyedmal-nutritionpermanentlyintroduced,agriculturaldevelopmentorientedsolelytowardthebenefitofmetropolitancountries,andthelootingofproducts,thelootingofrawmaterials.
(emphasisinoriginal;boldfontadded,p.
43)Iturnnexttofurtherexplainingthegenerationalviolenceandhowitmorphedintonewformsthatpersistinthemodern-dayworld.
DefiningViolenceThroughconventionallenses,violenceconstitutesactionsinwhichthereisintentofonepersonorgroupofpeoplewhoexertharmtoanotherorothers.
Theharmcanresultininjuryordeath,andmighttypicallyentailemotionalintensity,asinaviolenceof"passion,"orhate.
Yethowviolenceisperceivedandunderstoodbymanyisfarmorecomplexandthusmakesitasubjectthatdeservesconsiderablescrutiny.
Bulhan(1985)notesthatdefinitionsofviolencemaybeconfinedintermsofthemorereceivedview,asthatwhichisnotsanctioned,asintheexecutionofthosedeemedguiltyofheinouscrimes,thekillingsthatoccuratthe28C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONhandsofasoldieratwar,orthedemiseofindividualswhohavecom-mittedmurdersatthehandsoflawenforcement.
Violencealsocanhaveimmediateorlong-termconsequencestoindividuals,andgenerationally,togroupsofpeoplewhenactsofviolencehavebeendirectedonthembasedontheirgroupness.
Bulhan'sdefinitionofviolenceisoneIadoptasweporefurtherintothephenomenonofracializedviolenceanditsravagingimpactsonindi-vidualsandcollectivegroups.
HedefinesitasAnyrelation,process,orconditionbywhichanindividualoragroupviolatesthephysical,social,and/orpsychologicalintegrityofanotherpersonorgroup.
Fromthisperspective,violenceinhibitshumangrowth,negatesinherentpotential,limitsproductivelivingandcausesdeath.
(emphasisinoriginal,p.
135)Inthisdefinition,violenceisnotsimplyisolatedacts,ordirect'hits,'orentails'emotion.
'Hisdefinitionalsoshowsthatviolenceisnotmerelyphysical,butalsosocial,andpsychologicalandinvolvesdemonstrabledamagetothevictim.
Consciousintentbecomeslesscritical,especiallyinviewofenvironmentsinwhichdefinitionsofwhatcountsasviolenceandwhatdoesnotcountisafunctionmoreofsustainingatypeofguilt-lessnessbythoseinpower.
Statedanotherway,definingviolenceintheabsenceofitsimpactsonvictimscanservethepurposesofcondoningtheviolenceanddiminishinganyemotionalitythatisexperiencedbytheviolator.
AnexcellentexampleofthisisinpsychologistPumlaGobodo-Madikizela's(2003)AHumanBeingDiedThatNight,inwhichanyguiltorotheremotionexperiencedbystate-sanctionedpoliceoftheapartheiderainSouthAfricacouldbesuppressedorentirelydashedalto-getherinpartbyreligiousprogrammingaimedaturgingthesedeath-squadstokillBlackpeople.
Theextenttowhichtheviolencehashadimpactnotonlyonindi-viduals,butalsoonthesystems—thepolice,procedures,'accepted'practicesasintheexpressionofdisgustandoutragebytheIndianapolisPoliceregardingthemurderofAaronBaileyfollowedbythetelevi-sionreporter'sattentiontoacarefularrayof'balanced'sentimentsexpressedbyBlacksandWhites—iswhatBulhan(2015)coinedmetaco-lonialism.
Metacolonialismreferstotheevolutionoftheviolencethatemergesfrom"classic"andneo-colonialism.
Meta-colonialismreferstothesustainedandsustainingnatureoftheviolencethateffectsallman-nerofeverydayliving.
Theconceptalsoexplainshowtheperpetrators2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES29ofviolence,whetherinbrutephysicalformorstructurallycanresemblethepeopletowhomtheviolenceisdirected.
ThisoccurrenceofAfricandescendedpeoplewhoadopttheroleofsub-oppressorsinperpetuatingtheviolenceisdoneatthebidding,pay,orapprovaloftheoriginatingoppressors.
Structuralviolenceistheformofviolencethatbeginsandendswithphysicalviolence,butimportantly,refersmoredirectlytothecyclicalandencompassingnatureofthephenomenon.
PeacescholarSchwebel(2011)capturesthedefinitionwellinthefollowingpassage:Inpart,[theincreasedattentionbypeacepsychologistsonbothphysicalaswellasstructuralviolence]isbecausethetwoformsofviolenceareseennowasintertwinedinthisfashion:theconditionsofstructuralviolencemayleadtoviolentcrime,rebellion,andterrorism,andthentothestate'sviolentrepressivemeasures,settingupanunendingcycleofviolence.
Startingintheoppositedirection,theconsequencesofwarcanincludethedestructionoffarms,housing,andpurewatersuppliesleadingtoillnessanddeathandlatertoviolentrebellion.
(p.
86)HowViolenceOperatesinRacializedSocietiesTheworkofhistorianMichel-RolphTrouillotisanimportantbasefromwhichtoframethisexaminationofracializedviolence.
InhisbookSilencingthePast:ThePowerandProductionofHistory,Trouillot(1995)exploreshowanswerstothequestionofwhathappenedinhis-toryisinfluencedbyapowerfuleliteandconversely,bythesuppres-sionoftheperspectivesoftheunpowerful.
Asanacademicdiscipline,historyasconveyedintextbooks,inpubliccelebrationsandthemain-streammedia,andvirtuallyeveryaspectofourlives,presentsuswithstoriesthatarewidelyperceivedas"truth.
"Thepowerisexercisedbythepeoplewhoseversionsoftheseaccountsbecomepartofdominantlandscapeandsettleintocommonunderstandingsaboutpasteventsformanypeople.
Thequestionofwhathappened,aswellasquestionsofhowithappened,whothemajorplayerswere,andwhytheaccountofsucheventsmattertoanyonetakeonreverberatingeffects.
Historyastaughtinmainstreamclassroomenvironmentsandthrough"conven-tional"knowledgecanbeseenassomethingrealandlegitimatewithoutconsiderationofthepoweritholds,inwhatandhowitistold,andforwhosebenefit.
30C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONInaslightre-framingofTrouillot'swork,Iproposeherethathis-toryalso"works"byperpetuatingpowerdifferentialsborneofcenturiesofviolenceinracializedcountrieslikeHaitiandintheUnitedStates.
Inthissection,Iexaminehowourpastandpresentareknottilyinter-twined:racismbuiltontheviolenceofEuropeanscontinuesunabatedwiththeinsistencethatBlacklivesareexpendablerelativetoWhiteslives.
Overtime,therecanbemodificationsaboutwhichBlacklivesaremoreexpendablethanotherswhilenoseriousalterationhasoccurredtodestroythepathological,hierarchicalstructurethatfirstbeganthemalig-nancyofracism.
AccordingtoClarke(1998),"NowhereintheannalsofhistoryhaveapeopleexperiencedsuchalongandtraumaticordealasAfricansduringtheAtlanticSlaveTrade"(p.
25).
Daniels(2008)referstothetransatlan-ticslavetradeasasystembecausetheEuropeanswhoplanned,orches-trated,andprofitedfromitdidsobyafairlystandardsetofprocesses(seeinteractivegraphic,Kahn&Bouie,2015).
Thesetofprocesseswasintendedtofulfilltheobjectiveofseizing,transporting,andsellinghumanbeingsforslavelaborandmaterialprofit.
Theseprocessesalsowerecharacterizedbymeasurestoimposeandmaintainabsolutecontroloftheirhumanwaresthroughtheuseofbruteforce,humandegrada-tion,andeffortstodisrupttheculture—thatwhichhelpspeoplecom-municate,makesenseoflife,peopleandthespirit(Nobles,2008).
Thebase,criminalbehaviorsofthesemenrevealextrememeasuresofcru-eltyattheexpenseofthewell-beingandsurvivalofthecaptured.
Theyuseddaggers,aswellasinstrumentslikebrandingirons,ironcoffersandshackles,andbronzemuzzlesonboardtheships(Daniels,2008;Kazembe,2018).
BlacksontheshipsweretightlypackedbytheirWhitecaptors,treatedlikeanimals,andwherevomitandexcrementofthemen,women,andchildrensurroundedtheexistenceofthecaptured,andwherethosewhodiedwouldremainshackledwiththeliving.
Thesystemthenbecameoneofsubhumantreatment,implementedbytheEuropeanabductorswiththefreedomtowieldviolenceatwillasinthecasesofrapewithoutregardforthehorroritinstilledinthoseconsideredobjectsandvilelytreated.
Inabookofslavetestimonies,Blassingame(1977)revealedtheextremenatureoftheviolencethatWhitesused,"wherefloggingsof50to75werenotuncommon"(p.
263).
Blassingamenotedfurtherthat"plantersalsobranded,stabbed,tarredandfeathered,burnt,shackled,tortured,maimed,crippled,mutilated,andcastratedtheirslaves"(p.
2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES31262).
TheWhitemenrapedthecapturedAfricanwomenaboardtheslaveshipsaswellaswhentheysurvivedthepassageandreachedtheshore.
ThepersonalnarrativesofenslavedAfricans,sharedininterviews,revealsomeofthedetailsoftheviolencethatwassteadilypresentintheirlivesandheinterpersonaldramasthataccompaniedit.
Forexam-ple,AnnGarrisonwasa51-year-oldwomanwhowasenslavedin1791inMarylandatthetimeshewasinterviewed.
Shespokeinthenarra-tiveofthefivechildren(andlater2more)sheboreinslavery,ofhowshedreadedlosingthemandwasinitiallyassuredbyherownersthatherchildrenwouldnotbesold.
Besidesthedeathofhersixorseven-year-oldsonbydrowningwhilefishing,herownerssoldeachoneofherchildren.
Atonetime,oneownersenthersontoprisonformoney,andatanothertime,sheandthreeofherchildrenweresenttoprisonbyWhitepeopleforapparentlythesamereason.
Afterlearningthatoneofhersonscontractedforhisfreedom,sheappealedtoa'youngcoloredwoman'(p.
216)sheknewtohavethewoman'sfatherwritetohersontoinformhimofhercircumstanceofimprisonmentwithhissiblings.
Ms.
Garrison'ssoneventuallywasabletoreachherandpayforherfree-dom—newssherevealedthatmadeherheartleapwithjoy—"butinamoment,whenIbegantoreflectthatImustleavemythreedearchil-dreninjail,tobesoldasslaves,separatedonefromtheother,andtakenwheretheywouldneverseeeachother,orIseethemagain,Iwasfilledwiththeutmostanguish"(Blassingame,p.
216).
JamesThompsonwasborninNassauNewProvidencein1812,andenslavedbyWhitesinCubawherehewasforcedtoworkonaplanta-tionasaworkerandeventuallyahouseservant.
Hewasinterviewedin1843attheageof31.
ThesonofanIrish(White)slavemasterandanenslavedAfricanmother,Mr.
Thompson'sfathermanumittedhismotherandhimpriortohisdeathandallottedthemapieceofland.
WhenMr.
ThompsonwaseightyearsoldandlivinginNassau,hissister'shus-bandtrickedhimintotravelingwithhimtoCuba,enticinghimtojoinhimona"frolic"tovisithissister.
Mr.
Thompson'ssisterandherhus-bandwereWhite.
AfterarrivinginCuba,Mr.
Thompsonlearnedthathissisterwasunawareofthiskidnappingscheme.
BothThompsonandhissisterrespondedangrily.
Thebrother-in-lawbeathimandeventuallysoldhimtoacigarmaker.
TheseeventswerefollowedbyasuccessionofdeceitfulsalesofMr.
ThompsonaschattelbyWhites.
Atonetime,hedeterminedthathisWhitemistressloathedhimbecauseofhismixed32C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONblood,jealousyoverhisdesiretomarry,andhisabilitytopoolfinan-cialresourcesandpurchasepoultryandstock.
Thismistresshadhimandhisbetrothedpunishedbyfloggingthem250lasheseach,sidebyside,andburningtheirpoultryandstockbeforetheireyes.
Aftertheflogging"amixtureofrumandcayennepepperwaspoureduponthewounds"(Blassingame,1977,p.
256),andtheyweresenttothehospitalwheretheyremainedtohealforthreemonths.
Theenslaverslookedonastheentireprocessoccurred.
TheatrocitiesforJamesThompsonandhisfiancédidnotendthere.
Thompson'sstoryisoneofconstantfloggings,depressionandeventualsuicideofhisbetrothed,aswellastheperilsofvariousescapes.
LaviniaBellwasinterviewedin1861,ofunknownbirthdate,borninWashington,DCandenslavedasafieldhandinTexas.
Whiteslaversandslavecapturers(ofrunawayenslavedAfricans)torturedandabusedBellthroughmuchofherlife.
Thetortureconsistedofcuttingoffherfingers,slittingherears,usinghotirontobrandheronherstomach,anddailyfloggingsduringaprolongedperiodofatleastfiftylashes.
Hertorturersusedamethodtermedabuckthatdoubledherbodyintwountilherlegspassedoverherbed,andplacedsticksacrossthebackofherhead.
Whileinthisposition,thetorturers"whipped[her]tosuchadegreethattheoverseer,morehumanethanthemaster,interferedtopreventamurder"(Blassingame,1977,p.
343).
Themasterthenrubbedherwoundswithsaltandwaterandpeppertokeepawaythegreenflies.
Atanothertime,herslaverstruckherwithahoe-handleseveraltimesandbrokeherskull.
Herownersthenleftherforanumberofdayswith-outanythingtoeatordrink.
Herstoryisoneofrunningaway,beingcapturedbybothWhitesandBlacks,beingsenttojail,andonmorethanacoupleofoccasions,escapingit.
Shefinallymadeittoherfreedom,butatthetimeofthenarrative,shestillwasseekingawaytoreunitewithherchild.
Tobesure,therearecountlessnarrativesthroughouttheworldandoverthecourseofhistoryaboutthecrueltyofapeopletowardanothergrouporpopulationdeemedsavageandneedingtobecontrolledandpersecuted.
Yethistorianshavewrittenaboutthe"peculiarinstitu-tion"oftheenslavementofAfricansinwhichWhites'villainoustreat-mentwouldrevealastrainsobaseandsinisterthatithascapturedtheattentionsofscholarsformanyyears(e.
g.
,Adams,2016;Blassingame,1979;Clarke,1998;Franklin,1947;Genovese,1965,1974).
Intheseandotherslavenarratives,weseetheinterplaysofinteractionsbetween2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES33WhitepeoplewhodidnotmerelyseizecontrolofBlackpeopleforthepurposeofexploitingthem,butalsoindulgedincrueltyfortheiredifica-tion,tounleashaggressionsthatpertainedtotheirownpersonalinsecu-ritiesandlikelyinvokedbytherealizationthattheenslavedAfricanswereascognitivelycapable,loving,andimportantly,humanastheybelievedthemselvestobeasaWhitereferentgroup.
TherewerealsoinstancesofrebellionsanduprisingsandtheseweretheindicatorsthattheWhiteswouldneedtoexercisemorecontrolovertheenslavedAfricans,andthattheenslavedAfricansconsideredthemselvesworthyofhumanetreatmentandfreedom.
ThatthecrueltyappearedtoberelativelyacceptedamongWhitesevensuggeststhatWhitesmayhavefearedthattheirBlackvic-timsweremorecapable,loving,andhuman.
Consequently,theextremeviolencewouldbeonpublicdisplayforotherWhitestojoininonwhatmayhavebeenseenastheneedfulkillingofapeoplewhoseexistencedaredtochallengethesuperiorityofWhites,andthatitwasWhiteswhohadtherightful,maniacalupperhand.
ThevastmajorityofAfricanswhoenduredthetransatlanticpassageweretakentoBrazilandtheCaribbeanduringthe315-yearslavetrade.
Thestoriesoftortureandcrueltyaresimilarlyheinous.
Forexample,TransAfricafounderRandallRobinson(2007)wroteofhowtheFrenchinHaitibeforetherevolutiondealtblowstoenslavedAfricanmenandwomenwhentheywerecompelledtotakearestastheyworkedhoursinthecanefields.
TheFrenchalsokilledtheHaitiansfortheamusementofFrenchspectators.
AccordingtoRobinson,FrenchgeneralDonatienRochambeauroutinelykilledlargenumbersofBlacksinpublicsquaresanddrownings.
Inoneaccount,thegeneralorderedthathismilitarybeginthe"entertainment"bygougingBlackbodieswithbayonetsandthenallowingdogstoteartheBlackslavesaparttodevourthem.
Robinson(2007)alsowroteofthehistoricalreportsofFrenchhumanrightscommissionerandnotedhistorianClaudeRibbe,whowroteofNapoleonBonaparte'scampaignofgenocideagainstrebellingHaitianslavesbygassingtheminthegalleysofships.
Intheseaccounts,wemaypotentiallyvisualizethetorturedlivesofBlackpeoplewhowerethevictimsoftheabuseandkillings.
WealsomightimaginethetorturedlivesoftheBlackswhosurvivedthemur-dersofotherBlackpeopleandtheassociationtheydevelopedbetweenBlacknessandaterror-filledexistence.
Bycomparison,becauseWhitescouldendthelivesofBlackpeopleeitherdirectlyorbyendorsementoftheviolence—bywitnessing,invoking,anddoinglittleornothing34C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONtostopit,lifeforthemwouldbecomesynonymouswithfreedom,pro-tectionfromracializedviolence,andescapefromracialterror(Baldwin,1998[1965]).
ThestrifesurroundingtheassociationbetweenBlacknessandthesanctityofhumanlifewasextendedinthosecaseswhenBlackpeoplewitnessedorlearnedaboutthekillingsofothernon-Whites,likeNativeAmericansandMexicanpeople,aswellasthoseWhiteslikeJohnBrownwhofoughtagainstslavery.
Thestrifewouldcomefromthemacabredimensionsofthepathol-ogyofracializedviolence.
HistoryhasshownthatWhitestreateddeadBlackpeoplewithcontemptandirreverence.
InTheUndergroundRailroad,PulitzerPrizeauthorColsonWhitehead(2016)re-createdsomeoftheoutrageovertheminingofBlackcadaverswhengraverob-berswerehavingamoredifficulttimewithextractingWhitebodies.
FromWhitehead'sre-enactmentsofthelivesofBlackpeopleintheUnitedStatesduringoneoftheerasofheightenedterrorism,BlacksdidnotpostsentriesoverthedeadasWhitesdid,orpoundonthedoorofthesheriffornewspaperstaffbecause"nosheriffpaidthemanymind,nojournalistlistenedtotheir[Blackpeople's]stories"(p.
139).
TheseactionsthatwerenotperformedwereincontrasttotheactionswhichWhitesconductedinthesearchfortheirlovedones.
InsteadwithBlacks,Thebodiesoftheirlovedonesdisappearedintosacksandreappearedinthecoolcellarsofmedicalschoolstorelinquishtheirsecrets.
Everyoneofthemamiracle,…providinginstructionintotheintricaciesofGod'sdesign.
(p.
139)Whitehead'sfictionalizednovelwasdrawnfromtheinterviewsofex-slavesfromthe1930sandtakenfromtheFranklinD.
RooseveltFederalWriters'Project.
ARareLookattheOtherSideoftheRacialConstructionofViolenceInarareseriesofstudies,psycho-historianAdams(2015,2016,2017)analyzedthewritingsofWhitepeopleintheantebellumSouthandhowtheviolencethatwasperpetratedbyotherWhitepeopletoenslavedAfricansinfluencedWhitepeople.
AdamsdirectedhisattentiontothewitnessestounderstandnotmerelyiftheviolencehadanimpactonWhitepeople,butimportantlyhow.
AmongtheaccountsofWhite2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES35witnesses,observers,andeventhereproducersofviolencethatAdamsexaminedwerethosewhoobservedviolenceagainstBlacksatearlyages.
AdamswroteofhowformerU.
S.
PresidentThomasJefferson,whowasaslaveholder,notedsomeconcernovertheeffectsofAfricanbondageonslaveholderchildren.
QuotingJefferson,Adams(2015)wrote:Thewholecommercebetweenmasterandslave…isaperpetualexerciseofthemostboisterouspassions,themostunremittingdespotismontheonepart,anddegradingsubmissionsontheother.
Ourchildrenseethis…andlearntoimitateit…Theparentstorms,thechildlookson,catchesthelineamentsofwrath,andthusnursed,educated,anddailyexercisedintyr-anny,cannotbutbestampedbyitsodiouspeculiarities.
(p.
1,JeffersoninAdams,2015)WhatAdamsrevealsinhisresearchisthatWhitesrespondedtoviolenceagainstBlackpeopleinvariedways—ascanbeexpected.
Yetthehegem-onyofviolenceinfluencedhowcertainresponsesbecomenormativeandconsideredmoreacceptablethanothers.
Barbaricactsessentiallycouldbetoleratedasamatterofthe"needful"asportrayalsofBlacksandofWhitesinwaystohelpupholdtheseactionshadtobemaintained.
WhatalsohadtooccurwasthatWhitepeopleneededtowithholdanyper-sonalaccountsthatwouldquestionthecallforviolence,especiallyinitsmostvileformslikethebeatingdeathofacryingBlackinfantbyaWhiteplantationmistresswhoreportedthatshecouldnotbearthenoise.
ThiswithholdingofinformationwouldmeananerasureoftheirexperienceswithBlacksasthenursesofWhitebabies,inventors,artists,spiritual-ists,midwives,andtradesmen.
Itwouldalsomeanwithholdingsimul-taneouslytheirexperiencesofotherWhitesaspossessingqualitiesthatexceededBlacksandelevatedtheirlevelsofhumanityabovethatofBlackpeople.
BydirectinghisfocusonWhites,Adam'sresearchrevealsWhites'inner,psychologicalreasonsfortheviolence,suchasuncontrolledrage,inadequaciesabouttheirsexuality,orotherwisedeep-seatedtormentabouttheirpersonalinadequaciesingeneral.
Adamsdescribestheslave-holderfatherinhistoricalwritingsasthepersonwhowieldedparticu-larinfluenceoverthesustainabilityofviolence.
Slave-holdingfathers,accordingtoAdams'analyses,perceivedtheviolenceagainstBlackpeopleasnecessaryandasaprimerforinstructionforhischildrentosustainit.
Thesefathersconveyedthemessagethattheviolencehadto36C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONbeexactedtodistinguishandreinforceracialboundaries.
ThismessageseemedespeciallyimportantwhentheWhitechildshowedanyobjec-tionstotheviolence.
Adams'analysesalsoshowthatWhiteslave-holdingparentsalsocom-mittedformsofviolenceagainsttheirWhitechildren.
Theslave-holdingfatherwastheonewhomainlydealtthecorporalpunishmentinthefam-ily.
TypicallycastinChristiantheology,"sparetherod,spoilthechild,"Adamsproposedthatphysicalviolencewasseenbythesefamiliesasaninstrumentofcontrolthatreinforcednotionsofobedienceandcontrol.
ItalsoreinforcedWhitemalepatriarchy,wherebythestatureofWhitemenasthepower-wielderontheplantation,community,andsocietywasfurtherreinforced.
Violenceanditspreservationwereessentialtotheestablishmentofthisstature.
EmphasizingtheboundedrelationshipbetweentheBlackslaveandWhitemasterandthepartthatviolenceplayedinitsconstitution,AdamsconcludedthatThegallanteffortofAfricanAmericanstoovercometheobstaclesplacedintheirpathbyrelentlessly-hostilewhitesocietyfitstheHoratioAlgernicheinournationalmythologyandisamorecompellingtalethanthepsychosocialoriginsofwhitemalice,supremacy,andterrorism,andyet,thevaloroftheformerisimpossiblewithoutthehorrorofthelatter.
(p.
2)TheReproductionofRacializedViolence:WhenAfrican-DescendedPeopleRevoltScholarshavedocumentedhowAfricansusedawidearrayofmeasurestorevoltagainsttheirabductions,tortureandsubhumantreatmentwhenWhiteswerecommittingtheseactsand,withotherBlacksinanticipa-tionofthebattlesthatwouldensue.
Theywouldcometolearnthattheirliveswereimperiledbythesereactionsandtheybelievedthattheriskswereworthyofthehumancosts.
Forexample,enslavedAfricansinsur-rectedontheslaveships,foughtwith,killed,andusedpoisontokilltheirmastersandmistresses,aswellasplannedarmedresistancetoescapetheirplightinretaliationoftheslaversandtosecuretheirfreedom(e.
g.
,Aptheker,1943;Douglass,2012[1845];Gates,n.
d.
;James,1963).
ThesewritingsrevealthatWhitesreactedinfeartotheserebellions.
FrederickDouglass'(2012[1845])narrativeaccountofhis2-hourbeat-ingofhismasterresultedinhismasterceasinghisfrequentlashings,but2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES37inotheraccounts,thereisstrongevidencethatBlackrebelsincurredfur-therviolencethatwouldbedirectedontheperpetratorsaswellasotherBlackpeople.
Whatunfoldedwithintheconstancyofviolencewasnotendingtheviolenceandmistreatment,atleastnotonthelargerscale,butrather,fortheWhitestowieldmorepoweronBlackpeople.
ThisbrutalsuppressionofrebelswasusedbyscholarstoconveythattheenslavedAfricanswerenotrebelliousatall.
AshistorianHenryGatespointedout,oneoftheseearlierhistoriansportrayedanimageofBlacksthatdiminishedanyhintofretaliation,butinsteadindicatedaconceitoftheirplightasneedingtobeobedientandsubservient.
GatesquotedHarvardhistorianJamesSchoulerwhowrotein1882thatenslavedAfricanswerenotcapableofrebellionorresistancebutpossessed"innatepatience,docility,andchild-likesimplicity"andwasan"imitatorandnon-moralist,learningdeceitandlibertinishwithfacility,andbeingeas-ilyintimidated,incapableofdeepplotsandinshort,wereaservilerace,sensuous,stupid,brutish,obedienttothewhip,[and]childreninimagi-nation"(Gates,n.
d.
).
"Obedienttothewhip"aswrittenbyShoulercanalsoservetojustifytheuseofviolencebyWhitepeople.
Butimportantly,whatcanclearlybelegitimateobservationsbyShoulerofBlackpeopleasservileandobedi-entisaccompaniedbytheabsenceofthecontextinwhichtheservilityandobedienceisbred.
Violenceiswipedawayfromtheportrait,butitwouldseemimpossibletowipeitawayentirelyfromtheconsciousness.
WhatShoulerandotherWhiteswouldupholdintheseperspectivesisthatanenvironmentthatcounteractstheimageofWhitesofdeservingofretaliationbyBlackswouldbeimportant,ifnotnecessarytotheirpercep-tionsofthemselvesasWhitepeopleinrelationtoBlackpeople.
AsBlackpeopleareseenasharmlessandchild-like,thenWhitepeoplecanbeseenaspossessingtheadultqualitiestocontrolandcontinuetoexploitthemforWhitepurposes.
Thisconstructionneededtore-defineviolenceandevenobliteratetheperceptionandrealityofitsextremenatureasperpe-tratedbyWhitesontoBlacks.
Tomerelywhipapersonforthepurposeofcurtailingbehavior,asonetheoreticallywoulddowithachildorchild-likepeoplewouldbetooperatewithintheboundsofhumandecencyandcompassion.
Instead,extremeviolencewasexecutedandendorsedbyWhiteswiththeinsistenceofdefiningandlimitingthevalueofBlacksashumanbeingsrelativetothevalueofWhites.
ThisextremeviolencewouldhaveanimpactonthepersistentlysavagetreatmentofBlackpeople,andonhowBlackpeoplesawthemselvesandoneanother.
The38C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONpersistencehasbeencharacterizedovertimewiththeuseofBlackcodes,forexample,toensurethatBlackpeopledidnotcrosscertainthresholdsofWhites'understandingoftheirlimitedvalue.
BlackcodeswererulesofconductthatcouldlandBlackpeopleinjailforminoroffenseslikenotsteppingoffthesidewalkinthepresenceofaWhiteperson.
Thesecodesalsoservedtheeconomicgoaloffeedinganindustryoffreelaborwhentheviolatorsofthecodewereincarcerated(seealsoNobles,2008).
FollowingtwohundredyearsofharshcaptivityatthehandsoftheSpanishandFrenchconquerorsofHispaniola,theenslavedpeopleofAyiti(Haiti)revoltedinstrongsolidarityin1791andtriumphedinfree-ingthemselvesfromtheirEuropeancaptivesin1804(James,1963).
HaitiremainstheonlycountryintheworldtobecomethefirstBlackRepublicandwhosepeoplesuccessfullyrevoltedagainstabrutishregimeofenslavementandcolonialismfortheirfreedom.
NapoleonBonaparteandotherEuropeanimperialistscontinuedtoinvadeandre-conquerHaiti,butitsvictoriouspositionremainedintacttothepresentday.
ThesuccessoftheslavesinHaitiinspiredtheslavesofmanyregionstoalsorebelandHaitiansofferedtheiraidandassistanceasneeded(Clarke,1998).
YettherevoltthatfreedtheHaitianpeoplefromslaverycompromisedtheeconomicfreedomofHaitians.
FrenchgovernmentsimposedaheftytaxthathasimperiledthegrowthoftheHaitianeconomyforgenera-tions.
TheconspiratorialalignmentsbetweenHaitian"elites"—oftenthewealthyandlightercomplexionedinhabitants—andworldleadersfromEuropeandtheUnitedStatesalsoprovedperiloustothepeoplewhocomprisedthemasses.
ThemajorityofHaitianpeopletodayliveinabjectpovertyinoneoftheeconomicallypoorestnationsintheworld.
Atmultipletimesbetween1991and2004,liberationtheologianBertrandAristidewaselectedasthepresidentofHaiti,buthistenurewasinter-ruptedbycoupsbothwithinandoutsideofthecountry.
In2004,PresidentAristidewasabductedattheorchestrationofU.
S.
PresidentGeorgeW.
Bush,afactthatisrarelyaddressedinAmericanmediaout-lets,andAristideremainedinexileuntil2011whenhereturnedtoHaiti.
Haiti'shistoryofdespoticleadershastranslatedovertimeintomasskill-ingspreesthathavereceivedsupportfromforeigngovernments(seeRobinson,2007).
Inthisprolongedconfigurationofinteractionsbetweenthepower-fulandunpowerful,Blacksknewthattorebelorrevoltagainstracializedviolenceistofacefurtherviolence,toconcedeand/orfightharderand2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES39better.
Meanwhile,Whiteswouldlearnthatviolencewasavitaltoolformaintainingtheirlivesofrelativewealthandfreedom,evenwhentheywerepoor.
Forexample,inher1861booktitledIncidentsintheLifeofaSlaveGirl,HarrietJacobswroteaboutafestivegatheringamongarmedWhitepeoplewhoterrorizedenslavedAfricansbyriflingthroughtheirmeagershacksandbelongingstorevealanysignthattheslaveswouldrevolt.
Jacobs(1973[1861])pointsoutthattheseannual"musters"astheywerecalledwerealsopresentopportunitiesforpoorWhitestobeunitedwithWhitesfromtheuppereconomicechelon,thusallowingopportunitiesforthe"lowWhites"whohadnonegroesoftheirowntoscourge"(seeJacobs(1973[1861])inRoediger,1998,p.
336).
ThesemustersalsoprovidedthechanceforthelowersocioeconomicWhitestoscattergunpowderinBlackshacksforthepurposeofwhippingenslavedAfricans"tillthebloodstoodinapuddleattheirfeet"(p.
336).
ThebarteringamongWhitesforthepurposeofWhiteswishingtomaintainorincreasetheirsenseofsuperiorityandpoweroverBlackshasoccurredthroughouttheworldandoverthecourseofhistoryinrelationtolaborpractices,anddecisionsonhowwealthisdistributedprimarilytoWhiteversusprimarilyAfrican-descendedregionsoftheworld.
Forinstance,inthe1876presidentialelectionbetweenRutherfordB.
HayesandSamuelTilden,SouthernDemocratswhofeltenragedattheirlossintheCivilWarandthelossofslavelaborcommandeeredadealtoallowHayes,thenpresidentialcandidatefortheopposingRepublicanparty,tobecomepresidenteventhoughhisopponentwontheelectionbypop-ularvote.
ThepromisemadetothelobbyingWhiteswastoremovethefederaltroopsfromtheSouthandthusallowSouthernerstoman-agetheirownmunicipalitiesastheywished(History:"RutherfordB.
Hayes,"n.
d.
).
ThisdecisionbroughtanendtotheReconstructionEra.
Reconstructionbeganin1867torestoretheSouthintheaftermathoftheendoftheCivilWarandtoallownewlyenfranchisedBlackstohaveavoiceingovernmentforthefirsttimeinAmericanhistory.
Alsoforthefirsttime,BlackswonelectionstosouthernstatelegislaturesandtotheU.
S.
Congress.
TheConstancyandSpreadofViolenceinPresent-DaySocietiesRacializedviolenceworkstohelpcreateandconstantlyreaffirmthedis-tinctionsbetweenWhitepeopleandBlackpeopleandtherelativevalueandworthofthegroupsbasedontheirdifferences.
Psychologically,to40C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONmaintaindistinctionsaboutbetter-and-worseandgood-versus-bad,onehastobelievethatthedistinctionsarereal,inherentqualitiesaboutpeo-plebasedontheirraceandthattherealitiesofdirecircumstancesofmanyBlacksindisproportiontoWhitesareabyproductofthedistinc-tions.
Evidencethatthedistinctionsarenotrealandinherentcanbedis-comfortingatbest,andcouldleavemanyWhitesfeelinghopelessaboutwhattheycando.
WithotherWhites,seeingthemselvesasnotpossessingqualitiesofgoodness,moralfortitude,intelligence,andsoforththatarepresumedtobebeholdenofWhitepeoplerelativetoBlacks,istocon-frontamostdisturbingdissonance.
Tosettlethedissonance,theycanrathereasilydiscreditthemessengerandthemessagebasedonaracialhegemonyand/orengageinviolence.
Ahegemonyofracializedviolence,inbothphysicalandstructuralforms,reliesonomissionsanddistortionsoffacts.
Structurally,theseomissionshavetodowiththelackofattentionontheviolenceanditsrelevancetotheperpetuationofracisminsociety.
Inalabyrinthofabsentedstories,fabricatedhistorylessons,andapreoccupationwiththepast—"thewaythingsoncewere"—inwhichtherearecertainadmissionstoracializedviolence,deceptioniscast.
Thedeceptioninformspeople'ssocialization.
ItservestoprotectWhitesincurrent-daysocietytorelyonideologiesaboutWhitesuperiorityoverBlackpeopleandotherpeopleofcolor.
Theforceoftheseprotectionsofhiddenanddistortedknowledgeisaccompaniedbyongoingviolence,whichisjustifiedbythepowerfulelite.
Forexample,themembershipofKuKluxKlanwasstemmedbythe1915releaseofthefilmBirthofaNation(Griffith&Woods,1915).
Inthismovie,writerGriffithtellsthestoryofthedisasterimaginedhadReconstructioncontinued,wherebyBlackpeoplewouldhavecontroloverWhitepeople.
Blackmenwereportrayedinthemovieasincom-petentingovernment,criminalandlecheroustowardWhitewomen.
Importantly,theportrayalsofBlackpeopleinthemoviewerematchedbyportrayalsofWhites:whereasBlackswerecriminalandmorallybereft,Whites'portrayalswerecharacterizedincontrastaskeepingandmain-tainingorder,andevenasbeautiful.
TheKlanappearedattheendofthemovie,andinsavingtheday,aswellasthesanctityofWhiteness,theykilltheBlackman(aWhiteactorinblackface)whomadeunwantedadvancestoaWhitewoman,thelatterofwhomwassoenraptinfearthatsheleaptoffacliffandkilledherself.
Priortothereleaseofthemovieandinanticipationofitsrelease,aKlanchapterclimbedStoneMountaininGeorgiatoburnagiantcross.
2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES41SittingU.
S.
PresidentWoodrowWilsonreportedlycommentedaboutthefilm:"It'slikewritinghistorywithlightning.
Andmyonlyregretisthatitisallsoterriblytrue"(Clark,2018).
Althoughthesewordshavenotbeenconfirmed,therewereindicationsthatWilson'sviewsaboutthefilmwerepositive.
Forexample,thefilmwasscreenedattheU.
S.
WhiteHouse.
Clark(2018)alsonotedthatthefilmwasscreenedandre-screenedthroughoutthe1920s,andinonephotoonherwebsite,thereisagroupprotestingthere-releaseofthefilmin1947.
Thepro-testinggroupwastheNationalAssociationfortheAdvancementofColoredPeople(NAACP)whoprotestedthemoviefromthetimeofitsfirstrelease.
Clarkcontinuesabouttheimpactsofthefilm:Onopeningnight,Simmons(founderofthemodernKKK]andfellowKlansmendressedinwhitesheetsandConfederateuniformsparadeddownPeachtreeStreetwithhoodedhorses,firingriflesalutesinfrontofthetheater.
Theeffectwaspowerfulandscreeningsinmorecitiesechoedthedisplay,includingmovieushersdawningwhitesheets.
KlansmenalsohandedoutKKKliteraturebeforeandafterscreenings.
TheNAACPunsuccessfullyprotestedTheBirthofaNationbutthefilm'spopularitywastoostrong.
WithblacktroopsfromWWIreturn-ingfromFranceandthemigrationofblackpeopletotheNorth,therewerenewracialtensionsinnortherncities,likeChicago,BostonandPhiladelphia.
TodaytherearemanyhategroupsinadditiontotheKlanasreportedbytheIntelligenceReportonlinepublicationsoftheSouthernPovertyLawCenter(e.
g.
,seeSPLC,October26,2018).
Thethreatsofvio-lencedirectedatBlackpeoplecontinuetooccur.
Alarmingly,thesethreatsoccuratthehandsofstate-sanctionedauthorities,andbyahostoflegal,school,andmediaapparatusesthatcontinuallymanufactureandupholdit.
Thephysicalformsoftheviolenceareoftenincurredbycer-taingroups,likeBlackpeopleinpoor,urbanareasandthoseinthepenalsystem.
Consequently,thosewhodisassociatefrom,speakoutagainstorevenlookdifferentfromthese"certaingroups"areassumedtobeimmunefromracializedviolence.
Theymayquiteconsciouslyworkdili-gentlytobetheexceptionstothestereotypeofamenacing,violentBlackpersonand,aswillbedevelopedinthenextchapter,theirexceptionalismfeedsintothecyclicalandexpandingnatureofracializedviolence.
42C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONThequalitiespresumedtobecharacteristicofcertaingroupsofBlackpeoplearegeneralizedtoallBlackpeople,consequently,thenotionthatonecansuccessfullyavoidthestereotypingiselusiveexceptundercertainconditionslikephysicallyappearinglikeaWhiteperson.
Thesestereo-typesaremaintaineddespitethevastcomplexitytowhichBlackpeopleobviouslyevincebecausetheyalsocollectivelypromotefear,exclusion,andjustificationforlowornoconcernforthememberswithinthesecer-taingroups.
Thesequalitiesinveighdisproportionately,atleastbydintofpublicperception,thattheyarenotenuredofWhitepeoplebyandlarge,atleastnotofWhitesasWhitesbutrather,ofBlacksasBlackpeople.
ItthereforebecomesimportantforsomeBlackpeopletodoffthevio-lence-attractionofBlacknessaltogether.
HistorianKhalilMuhammad(2010),inhisbookTheCondemnationofBlackness:Race,Crime,andtheMakingofModernUrbanAmerica,examinedhowtheconstructionofraceintheearlycanonofsocialsci-enceliteraturereliedonaprofileofBlackpeoplewhomigratedfromtheSouthtotheNorthofU.
S.
societytobeinherentlycriminal.
TheGreatMigration,inwhathasbeencalledthelargestmigrationofpeopleinmodernhistory(Wilkinson,2011),consistedof6millionBlackpeo-plewhofledtheU.
S.
Southbetween1916and1970tovarioustownsthroughouttheNorth.
Theirmigrationwaspromptedbyaneedtoescapeviolenceandtoavailthemselvesofopportunitiestoearnwagesandestablishnewlivesfortheirfamiliesinregionstheysawasholdingpromiseforthem.
Blacksfacednovelformsofracializedviolenceintheirnewsur-roundings.
Muhammad's(2010)researchrevealedhowthesocialsci-enceliteraturebeganbuildingitsfoundationof"legitimate"sciencewithomissionsanddistortionsabouttheroleofracializedviolenceforBlackandWhitepeopleintheNorthduringthismigration.
Thisliter-aturelargelyignoredthedailylivesofBlackpeople.
TheliteraturealsoignoredevidenceofhowthelifeconditionsofEuropeanimmigrantsweremostlyimprovedbytheirmigrationtotheUnitedStatesfromtheircountriesoforigin.
Significantly,theconstructionofthetwogroupsofmigrants—oneasBlackswhosemovewouldbeportrayedasindicationthatlocalematteredlittleintermsofcriminality,andtheother,newEuropeanimmigrantswhowouldeventuallyevolvefromtheirnation-alitiestoWhitepeople—helpedmarktheformationofraceintheurbancommunitiesofChicago,IllinoisandPhiladelphia,Pennsylvania.
2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES43Muhammad'sresearchbeganwiththe1890U.
S.
Censusbecauseitmarkedtwenty-fiveyearsoffreedomforBlackpeopleandconsequently,containeddatathatwasamuch-anticipatedsourceforassessingBlacks'statusinapost-slaveryera.
MuhammadlearnedthattheviolencethatoccurredbyBlacksinthesecommunitiesintheearly1900swerenohigherthanthatoftheirWhiteimmigrantcounterparts,butthatpolicetargetedBlacksinthesecommunitiesmore.
Moreover,interventionssuchassettlementhouseshaddedicatedattentiontoimmigrantpopu-lationsspecificallytodecreasetheviolenceamongtheseyouth,buttheseinterventionswerenotaccordedtoeitherBlackorLatinxpopulations.
AccordingtoMuhammad,Followingthe1890census—thefirsttomeasurethegenerationofAfricanAmericansbornafterslavery—crimestatistics,newmigrationandimmigrationtrends,andsymbolicreferencestoAmericaasthepromisedlandwerewovenintoacautionarytaleabouttheexceptionalthreatblackpeopleposedtomodernurbansociety.
Excessivearrestratesandover-representationinnorthernprisonswereseenbymanywhites—liberalsandconservatives,northernersandsoutherners—asdisputableproofofblacks'inferiority.
WhatelsebutpathologycouldexplainblackfailureinthelandofopportunitySocialscientistandreformersusedcrimestatisticstomaskandexcuseanti-blackracism,violence,anddiscriminationacrossthenation,especiallyintheurbanNorth.
(p.
4)Statisticalevidence,whichwasarelativelynewphenomenonforsocialscientistsastheyforgedtheiridentities,showedthatAfricanAmericans,astwelvepercentofthepopulation,madeupthirtypercentofthenation'sprisonpopulation.
ThesescientistsignoredalldatathatwouldcouldbeusedtoinformBlackarrestsandimprisonments,includingspe-ciallydesignedrace-consciouslaws,newformsofeverydayracialsurveil-lancewhichhadbeeninstitutionalizedbythe1890sasawaytosuppressBlackfreedom,andpunishmentsbasedspecificallyonthe(Black)raceofassailants.
Theperspectivesofthesesocialscientistswerethattheirfindingswere"incontrovertible,color-blind,andobjective"(p.
4).
Muhammad(2010)continues:Atthedawnofthetwentiethcentury,inarapidlyindustrializing,urban-izing,anddemographicallyshiftingAmerica,blacknesswasrefash-ionedthroughcrimestatistics.
Itbecameamorestableracialcategoryin44C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONoppositiontowhitenessthroughracialcriminalization.
Consequently,whitecriminalitygraduallylostitfearsomeness.
(p.
5)Further,heconcludedfromhisfindingsthatFromthe1890sthroughthe1930s,fromtheProgressiveerathroughProhibitionAfricanAmericanshadnomonopolyonsocialbanditry,crimesofresistance,orundergroundentrepreneurship;andthe"weaponsoftheweak'and'lower-classoppositionalculture'extendedfarandwideandinmanydirections".
(p.
5)Muhammad'sresearchtiesinwithagrowingmovieindustryinwhichWhitecriminalitywasglamorizedatatimewhenthecelebritystatusofWhiteactorslikeEdwardG.
Robinson(himselfanimmigrantfromRomania)andJamesCagneywassoaringastheyplayedtherolesofgangstersinmoviesofthe1930sand1940s.
Incontrast,butnecessarilyintandemwiththeracialconstructionofcriminality,Blacksincommer-ciallyreleasedfilmswererarelyportrayedatall.
Onlylaterinthe1960s,andaspartofacanonoffeaturefilmstoappealtoBlackaudiences,weremoviesthatofferedmoresympatheticportrayalscreated(e.
g.
,Bogle,2016).
StructuralViolence,PovertyandWealthThestructuralviolencethatBlacksexperienceisfrequentlytiedtodis-proportionatepovertyandwealthrelativetoWhites.
Theongoingvio-lencethatencircledBlackliveswiththeuseofsundownrestrictions(torefertotownswhereBlackswerenotallowedafterthesunset;seeLoewen,2005),aswellasstructurallythroughexclusionsfromjobs.
InAaronBailey'stownofIndianapolis,Indiana,oneofthestatesincludedinLoewen'sexaminationofsundowntowns,Blackswerelargelyrel-egatedbyWhitestoacommunitymanyhadknowntobethefontofBlackbusinesses,entertainment,andaBlackhighschoolthathadfrom1927untilthe1960sboastedsuccessesinstudentachievement(Bump,May5,2017).
AtthetimeofBailey'skilling,theBlackunemploymentnationallystoodat7.
9%ascomparedto3.
8%forWhites.
Anearlyiden-ticaltrendwasfoundduringthissameperiodinAaronBailey'stownofIndianapolis,Indiana(7.
3%forBlacks,3.
8forWhites;EconomicPolicyInstitute,May17,2017).
2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES45AccordingtoGrusky,Verner,andMattingly(2017),theU.
S.
CensusBureaureportsthatBlacksintheUnitedStatescomprise12.
3%ofthetotalpopulation.
YetBlacksdisproportionatelyareamongthemostpoorasaracialgrouponvariousindicatorsofpovertyandwealth.
Gruskyetal.
refertothegapsinpovertyacrossseveraldomains,includinghomeownership,health,earnings,mobility,andincarceration.
Withhomeownership,longconsideredameasureofrelativeprosperity,theirstudyfoundthatin2014,71%ofWhitefamilieslivedinowner-occupiedhous-ingascomparedwith41%ofBlackfamilies,agapthatispartlyattributedto"thestill-substantialwealth,income,andemploymentgapsamongracialandethnicgroups"(p.
2).
"Wemightwellhavehopedthat,someeightdecadesaftertheNewDeal'sexpansionofhomemortgages,themostimportantracialandethnicinequalitiesinhomeownershipwouldhavebeenlargelyresolved"(p.
1).
AlthoughtheearningsgapbetweenWhitesandBlacknarrowedsomewhat,mostofthedeclinewassecuredintheimmediateaftermathoftheCivilRightsMovement.
Incarceration,whichIexpandonfurtherbelow,alsohasimplicationsforBlackwealthandpoverty.
Gruskyetal.
(2017)foundthat9.
1%ofBlackmenbetweentheagesof20–34wereincarcerated,aratethatis5.
7timeshigherthanthatofWhitemenat1.
6%.
PettitandSykes(2017)wrotethat"thesheerscaleofcriminaljusticecontactamongracialandethnicminoritymenmakesitacentralconcernforaccountsofinequalityintheUnitedStates.
Despitegrowingpolicyattentiontocriminaljusticereform,incarcerationpersistsatahistorichighandremainsdisproportionatelyconcentratedamongracialandethnicminor-ities.
"Theauthorsalsoreportthatincarcerationratespeakedinthemid-2000s,withyoungBlacksclosetoeighttimesaslikelyasyoungWhitestobeincarceratedevenwithrecentdeclinesinincarceration.
Further,theauthorsstatedthat"spendingtimeinprisonorjailhasnegativecon-sequencesforemployment,earning,andotherindicatorsofeconomicself-sufficiency…theweightofempiricalevidencesuggeststhatparentalincarcerationnegativelyimpactsmeasuresofchildwell-beingandunder-girdstheintergenerationaltransmissionofinequality"(pp.
25–26).
Cajner,Radler,Ratner,andVidangos(2017)examinedracialdispar-itiesinkeylabormarketoutcomesformenandwomenoverthepastfourdecades,withaspecialemphasisontheirevolutionoverthebusi-nesscycle.
Blackshavesubstantiallyhigherandmorecyclicalunemploy-mentratesthanWhites,andobservablecharacteristicscanexplainverylittleofthisdifferential,whichisimportantlydrivenbyacomparatively46C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONhigherriskofjobloss.
Incontrast,theLatino/a-Whiteunemploymentrategapiscomparativelysmallandislargelyexplainedbylowereduca-tionalattainmentof(mostlyforeign-born)Latino/as.
Regardinglaborforceparticipation,theremarkablylowparticipationrateofBlackmenislargelyunexplainedbyobservables,ismostlydrivenbyhighlaborforceexitratesfromemployment,andhasshownlittleimprovementoverthelast40years.
Furthermore,evenamongthosewhowork,BlacksandLatino/asaremorelikelythanWhitestoworkpart-timeschedulesdespitewantingtoworkadditionalhours,andtheracialgapsinthisinvoluntarypart-timeemploymentarelargeevenaftercontrollingforobservablecharacteristics.
Theirfindingsalsosuggestthattherobustrecoveryofthelabormarketinthelastfewyearshascontributedsignif-icantlytoreducingthegapsthathadwideneddramaticallyasaresultoftheGreatRecessionyettheracialdisparitiesremainsubstantial.
EducationThestandardizedtestingmovementforintelligenceandaptitudegrewoutofbeliefsabouttheheritabilityofintelligenceandthattestscouldbeusedtobearoutthetruthsaboutthedifferentialintelligenceofWhitesandotherracialgroups(Gould,1996;Thomas&Sillen,1972).
Despiteyearsofextensivecriticismsabouttheuseoftheseteststomakehigh-stakedecisions,suchaswhichperformance"track"astudentmaybeputin,accesstohonorsprogramsandscholarships,andentranceintorigor-ousschoolsatthegradeschool,collegeandpost-collegelevels,researchonculturalequivalenciesinwhichstudents'abilitiesareassessedbyothermeasuresorbyimprovedtestsarerarelydone(e.
g.
,Boykin,2010;Helms,1992).
DisproportionateincarcerationofBlacksrelativetoWhiteshasimpli-cationsalsotoeducationalpersistence.
In2018,fullyone-thirdofyoungBlackmenwhodroppedoutofhighschoolwereincarcerated(seeTheEducationTrust,n.
d.
).
Bytheendof2015,theBlack-Whitegapinincarcerationforhighschooldropoutswassubstantiallylargerthanthegapamongthosewithsomecollegeeducationormore,onepromptthatlededucationscholarLisaDelpit(2003)tocallfor"seedpeople"tohelpbringdramaticchangetoschoolsinwhichBlackstudentsattend.
InthePeople'sReport(n.
d.
),100%ofBlackboyssurveyedfromthestreetsofWilmington,Delawarehaddroppedoutofschool.
2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES47Thatschoolperformanceandtherateofincarcerationhassomeoverlapinurbandistrictshasyieldedaphenomenoncalledthe"schooltoprisonpipeline,"wherebypoorperformanceinschoolbyBlackandBrownchildren,thedisproportionateassignmentofthesechildrenofcolorintospecialeducationprograms,andthehighsuspensionandexpulsionratesrelativetoWhitessignalthattheschoolenvironmentisnotsuitedforthem(e.
g.
,AmericanCivilLibertiesUnion[ACLU],n.
d.
;Carter,Skiba,Arredondo,&Pollock,2017;Chenoweth,2015).
Thisphenomenonexistsdespitetheevidencethatatveryyoungages,chil-drenofcolorandWhitechildrenaresimilarintheagetheybegintoreadandotherindicatorsofnativeintelligence(Boykin&Noguera,2011).
BlacksinUrbanSettings:HowViolenceBegetsViolenceAswrittenearlier,Trouillot(1995)wrotethatlearninghowhistoryworksisimportanttoourunderstandingofthepastaswellasthepres-ent.
Historyconstitutesthestoriesweallarereasonablycapableofrecounting.
Thesearethestoriesofourownandotherpeople'slivesthatareshapedbycurrentrealities.
Wecanonlyrecountstoriesbasedonwhatweviewtobeimportantandhowourworldviewshavebeenshaped.
Consequently,thepastandpresentareconjoined.
Whenmembersofthepowerfulelite,forexample,manyacademichistorians,tellstoriesofthepastthatlackinsightabouttheirinvestmentsinwhatgetstoldandhowitistold,thensocietiesgivebirthtodistortedknowledgethatbecomeinstitutionalfixtures.
Endowmentsbythepowerfulelitehelpfilllibrar-ieswithfabricatedstories.
Monumentsarecommissionedandpeoplethelandscapetohonortheheroicsoffigureswhosecomplexitiesareshorntopresentthemasnear-perfectpeople.
Celebrationsthatspreadtoallcor-nersofthenationfillthemindsoftheyoungatveryearlyages.
Thenontransferabledistanceofraceisunceasinglyreaffirmed,andthehumanityofBlackpeoplehangsinthebalance.
Againstthisbackdropareapeoplewhohavebeendehumanizedoverthegenerationsand,forsome,whoseektodiscovertheirhumanity.
Someseekthishumanitybycontrastingtheirworthtoothers,athemebesetbyahegemonyofracial-izedviolence.
Tothem,toexistinasocietyinwhichtheyarethetargetsofracializedviolenceistobeatvariancewithBlackswhomtheyperceivetoembodythepathologiesinherentinracism.
Likea"pileofwreckage,"(West&Buschendorf,2014),theenduringnatureofracializedviolenceworksbycreatingcleavagesamongthetargeted,Blacksandotherpeople48C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONofcolor.
ManyhavecometobelievethatWhiteracismormorebroadly,theracismembeddedinWhite-servinginstitutionsarerelicsofthepastandthatBlackpeoplearesolelyatfaultforracialanimus,exclusions,andsoforth.
ThejustificationforthesebeliefsliesinthecorruptionandviolencethathasexistedandcontinuestoexistincountrieslikeHaiti,andinvariouscountriesinAfrica.
African-descendedleaderswieldvio-lenceagainstotherAfrican-descendedpeopleforpurposesofgreedandcontrol.
IntheUnitedStates,urbancommunitiesledbyBlackmayorsandwhoselocalgovernmentsandschoolsaremanagedbyBlackshavenotbattledvigorouslyagainstthespoilsofracializedviolenceandhaveevenseededit.
Interpersonalproblemsthatrangefromexclusionsrelatedtoskincolor,hairtexture,Africannationality,andsofortharepartoflong-standingnarrativesthathavecreateddivisionsandireamongBlackpeople(e.
g.
,Gyasi,2016).
The"codeofthestreet,"thetitleofElijahAnderson's(1999)bookonviolenceinurbancitiesisdefinedas"asetofprescriptionsandpro-scriptionsorinformalrulesofbehaviororganizedaroundadesperatesearchforrespectthatgovernspublicrelations,especiallyviolence,"(pp.
9–10).
AmongyouthandadultsinurbanareasintheUnitedStates,E.
Andersonstatedthatthecodeiswherethenegativeinfluenceofthepoliceendsandthepersonalresponsibilityoftheindividualbegins.
Itisalifewhereonehastolearntoprotecthimorherselfandlovedones.
Itisbasedonanundisputedinsistenceonrespect.
ForBlackheterosexualmen,itisequatedwithmasculinity,asintoprovehimselfmanly,anditdoesnotcomewithoutawebofcomplicationscharacterizedbyaneedtobesafeandshowoneselftobedistinguishedfromawomanor,fortheheterosexualmale,fromagayman.
Jones(2010)wroteaboutoneyoungBlackmanfromthecity,Craig,whohadbeenshotinthehipandwhosestoryreflectsacomplexnegotiationaboutmanhoodandsexuality:Yeah,Idon'tfightnomore,"hesays,"Ican'tfight[becauseofinjury]…So,Ireallystopandthinkaboutstuffbecauseitisn'tevenworthit…unless,Imean,youreallywantit[afight]tohappen…I'mgoingtoturntheothercheek.
ButI'mnotgoingtobe,like,wearingaskirt.
That'sthewayyougottolookatit.
(p.
6)ThemasculinizationofviolenceisevidentinCraig'swords,whichpointstoproblemsinsociety'sreinforcementofviolenceandaggressionamongmenofallraces.
Thisassociationmayrelateinfacttotheoverwhelming2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES49numberofmenwhocommitcrimesofmurder,rape,andassault(Katz,2006).
ForBlackAmericanmen,thisassociationcanhaveimplicationsforviolenceagainstwomenbecausewomenareseenas"lessthan"andmenareperceivedmostmanlyinviolentenvironmentswhentheycanshowabsolutecontroloverwomenwithterrortactics.
Theaversionto"feminine"cantranslatetoasimilaraversiontoappearinggay.
TheimplicationisthatforaBlackmaletoappearunmanly,definedespe-ciallybyacodethatstringentlyinsiststhathealsoisnotfeminineorgayistobemetwithviolencebyotherBlackmen(Katz,2006;Majors&ManciniBillson,1993).
InherresearchinvolvinginterviewswithBlackteenagedgirlslivinginthepoorestareasofPhiladelphia,Jones(2010)revealednarrativesthatexposedilemmasinnavigatingfightingwithothergirls.
Inadditiontotheviolencetheseteensencountertoenvironmentsinwhichtherearedrugwarsthattransferfromneighborhoodstotheschools,drive-byshootings,abusiveboyfriends,andintrusivepolicingbyWhiteandBlackpoliceofficers,thegirlsalsofacetheexpectationoffightingothergirls.
Jonesdiscoveredthatthemothersandgrandmothersandotherolderwomenfromtheseneighborhoodsalsohadtohelptheirdaughtersnavigatetheextremelychallengingterrainandpotentiallylife-threaten-ingenvironments.
Theseolderwomenmightbeinvolvednotonlyinteachingorguidingtheirdaughtersaboutfighting,butalsoinbeinginvolvedinthefightsthemselvesMothers,inparticular,mightsupervisefights,instigatethemorevenarrangetofightthemotherofthetargetedthreat—anotheradolescentgirl.
AsJonespointsout,adolescentgirlsintheseenvironmentshavenomanhoodtodefend,yettheyfacethreatstoviolenceandwereforcedtolearnhowtoorganizetheirsocialworldaroundviolence.
Jonesfoundthatthegirlsinherstudynegotiatedbetweenbeing"good"thatis,con-formingtomainstreamideasoffemininityinappearanceandbehaviors,andbeing"ghetto.
"Tobeghettomeanttobeaggressiveandoftenreadyforafight,eventolookforone.
Forboththegirlswhostrovetobegoodandtheoneswhowere"ghetto,"therewasabind:tobegoodmeantlimitsonfriendshipswherefightswereexpectedtoproveloyalty.
Tobeghettomeantthatoneconstantlyfaceddangerinprov-inghertoughness,butthatthisreputationdidnotnecessarilybodewellwhenthegirlssoughtacceptanceoutsidethesecommunities,forexam-ple,whentheysoughtjobs,lettersofrecommendationfromprincipalsforcollege,andsoforth.
50C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONMassIncarceration:ACloseLookattheFreeandUnfreeLegalscholarMichelleAlexander(2010)wrotethatthepromulgationofthemassincarcerationweobserveintheUnitedStatestoday,duringthe1970s,jobshadsuddenlydisappearedfromurbanareasacrossAmerica,andunemploymentrateshadskyrocketed.
Infact,in1954,BlackandWhiteyouthunemploymentrateswereequal,withBlacksactuallyhavingaslightlyhigherrateofemploymentintheagegroupsixteentonine-teen.
By1984,however,theBlackunemploymentratehadnearlyquad-rupled,whiletheWhiteratehadincreasedonlymarginally.
Thisshiftwastheresultofdeindustrialization,globalization,andtechnologicaladvancement.
Urbanfactoriesshutdownasthenationtransitionedtoaserviceeconomy.
AlexanderwritefurtherSuddenlyAfricanAmericansweretrappedinjoblessghettos,desperateforwork…Theeconomiccollapseofinner-cityblackcommunitiescouldhaveinspiredanationaloutpouringofcompassionandsupport.
AnewWaronPovertycouldhavebeenlaunched.
EconomicstimuluspackagescouldhavesailedthroughCongresstobailoutthosetrappedinjoblessghettosthroughnofaultoftheirown.
Education,jobtraining,publictransportation,andrelocationassistancecouldhavebeenprovided,sothatyouthofcolorwouldhavebeenabletosurvivetheroughtransitiontoanewglobaleconomyandsecurejobsindistantsuburbs.
ConstructiveinterventionswouldhavebeengoodnotonlyforAfricanAmericanstrappedinghettos,butalsoforbluecolorworkersofallcolors,manyofwhomweresufferingtoo,iflessseverely…InsteadwedeclaredaWaronDrugs.
(p.
218)AccordingtoAlexander(2010),theWaronDrugsactuallywasawaronBlackpeople.
WhatoccurredalongsidethecollapseoftheurbansettingweremechanismsinwhichBlackpeoplewerebeinghauledintoprisonsindroves(seealsoPeery,1990).
Theoneswhohadcommittedcrimeswerevilifiedinmediaduringelectoralcampaigns,condemnedfortheirconditions,thussettingoffandbuildingonafiercesentimentoveracourseofhistoryofequatingfrightful,streetcrimewithBlackpeople.
Notably,theWaronDrugshasbecomeanengineofmassincarcer-ationandaprimarycauseofgrossracialdisparitiesinthecriminaljus-ticesystemandintheex-offenderpopulation.
InChicago,alone,90%2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES51ofthosesentencedtoprisonfordrugoffensesinthestateofIllinoisareAfricanAmericans.
Further,Whitedrugoffendersarerarelyarrestedandwhentheyaretheyaretreatedmorefavorablyateverystageofthecriminaljusticeprocess,includingpleabargainingandsentencing.
Whitesareconsistentlymorelikelytoavoidprisonandfelonychargesevenwhentheyarerepeatoffenders.
Blackoffenders,bycontrast,areroutinelylabeledfelonsandreleasedintoapermanentracialundercaste.
…thetotalpopulationofBlackmalesinChicagowithafelonrecord(includingbothcurrentandex-felons)isequivalentto55percentoftheBlackadultmalepopulationandanastonishing80percentoftheadultblackmaleworkforceintheChicagoarea.
Thisstunningdevelopmentreflectsthedramaticincreaseinthenumberandraceofthosesenttoprisonfordrugcrimes.
FortheChicagoregionalone,thenumberofthoseannuallysenttoprisonfordrugcrimesincreasedalmost2000percent,from469in1985to8,755in2005.
(Alexander,2010,p.
189)Thesefindingsaremerefractionsoftheentirestory,unfortunately.
Alexandercontinues:Inthepast,thecriminaljusticesystem,aspunitiveasitmayhavebeendur-ingvariouswarsoncrimeanddrugs,affectedonlyarelativelysmallper-centageofthepopulation.
Becausecivilpenaltiesandsanctionsimposedonex-offendersappliedonlytoafew,theyneveroperatedasacomprehen-sivesystemofcontroloveranyraciallyorethnicallydefinedpopulation.
…Today,theWaronDrugshasgivenbirthtoasystemofmassincarcera-tionthatgovernsnotjustasmallfractionofracialorethnicminoritiesbutentirecommunitiesofcolor.
Inghettocommunities,nearlyeveryoneiseitherdirectlyorindirectlysubjecttothecastesystem.
(p.
188)TherashofpublicizedpolicekillingsmaysuggestthatthetragicdeathsofBlackmenandwomenintheUnitedStatesareisolatedincidents,butevidencewouldproveotherwise.
TheBureauofJusticeStatistics(2018)showsthatthemostlikelycontactwithpoliceforthemajorityofAmericansisatrafficstop,andthatin2011,thelatestreportonthesestatistics,BlacksaremorelikelytobestoppedbypolicethanWhites(12%versus10%)andthat68%ofBlacksreportedthattheybelievedtheywerestoppedlegitimatelybypoliceincomparisonto84%Whitesand74%Latinx.
Voigtetal.
(2017)conductedastudyofOakland,52C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONCaliforniapolicebodycamerarecordingsforthemonthofApril2014,tofinddifferencesbetweenhowpolicetreatedBlackversusWhitemotoriststheystopped.
Oakland,CaliforniaisaraciallydiversecityintheUnitedStates.
First,theyfoundthatofthe981stops,682involvedBlackdriversand299wereWhitedrivers.
ThisfindingofracialdisparitymirroredthetrendidentifiedbytheBureauofJusticeStatistics(2018)datawhichshowthatofthe26milliontrafficstopsrecordedeachyear,ahigherpercentageareBlackdrivers.
Usinghumanpanelsof70people,aswellascomputeralgorithmicanalyses,Voigtandcolleaguesfoundthatoutofthe36,000exchangesbypoliceofficers,thattherewereseveralindicatorstoconfirmthattheseofficerstreatedWhitemotoristswithmorerespectthantheydidwithBlackmotorists.
Withboththehumanpanelsandcomputeralgo-rithmicanalyses,theteamfoundthattheofficersusedmoreinformalanddisrespectfultitleswhenreferringtoBlackmotoriststhanwithWhitemotorists(e.
g.
,"dude,""bro,"and"sis"),amongotherindi-cators.
Theteamwasinterestedinexploringmoreaboutthepotentialwordsoractionsthatmayhaveprovokedofficersandtheirlanguage,however,overthecourseofasingletrafficstop,theuseofrespectfullanguageincreasedmorequicklyforWhitesthanforBlacks.
Inotherwords,theresearchersdiscoveredthattherealreadywasaracegapinrespect"evenwhenthecommunitymemberhasn'thadmuchtimetosayverymuchatall"(p.
6524).
ThisresearchprovidessomeevidenceoftheprecariousnessofbeingBlackwhenitcomestobeingstoppedbylawenforcement.
LikeMuhammad'sconclusionsbasedonanaboundingsocialsciencelitera-ture,Alexandertooconcludesthatthephenomenonofmassincarcera-tion,conveyswhatitmeanstobeBlack.
MassincarcerationthereforeisthedefiningmeansforBlackness.
LookingAheadAlloftheproblemsthatspringfromracializedviolencecanprovechal-lengingtopeoplepsychologically.
Itistheterroroneimaginesintheexperienceofbeingabductedasslavesandbeingtheobjectsofvio-lenceonboardships,andofBlackswhowereruthlesslylynched,burned,andgassed,aswellastheaccountsnotcoveredhereoftheCongolese,2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES53Angolans,andoftheAfricansandCaribbeanswhowereatthemercyofthecolonizerswhoabusedthem.
Itistheterror,asByronStevenson(n.
d.
)labelsit,ofbeinglynched,andofWhitesthreateningBlackswhentheytriedtopreparethepersonforburial.
TheWhitepeopleinvolvedinthelynchingwantedthebodytoserveasaremindertoBlacksofthepowerWhiteswouldusetomaintaintheracial-socialorder.
Thereisapsychologicaltollthatunfoldsasracializedviolenceabounds.
Itinflames"in-fighting"todeadlyproportions,asinthescourgeofgangviolence,thatisoccasionedwithinregionsoftheworldwithotherAfrican-descendedpeopleacrossregions.
Forexam-ple,inadditiontothekillingspreeswithinthebordersofHaitimen-tionedearlier,therealsowastheslaughterofthousandsofHaitiansandDominicansbyDominicanRepublicPresidentRafaelTrujilloin1937.
AnadmirerofAdolphHitler,TrujillocommandedhissoldierstokillunsuspectingHaitianworkersbythedroves.
Todeterminewhichpeo-pletokill,thesoldierskilledthedark-complexionedworkers.
However,becausethisphysicalmeasurewasnotaguaranteeindistinguishingtheHaitiansfromtheirDominicancounterparts,someofwhomwerekilledas"collateral,"thesoldierswouldasktheworkerstopronouncetheEnglishwordfor"parsley"—"perejil"inSpanish,whichwaspronounceddifferentlybyHaitiansthanDominicans.
Theseexperiencesproveanguishingforpeopleeventospeakaboutmanydecadeslater.
Inaninterview,Dominicanauthor,JuliaAlvarezspokeofthesilencingsurroundingtheParsleyMassacre,andofthepersistenceofhumanrightsviolationsofHaitiansintheDominicanRepublic(NationalPublicRadio[NPR],2012).
AccordingtoAlvarez,"eventhoughithappenedinthewaypast,thatsamemassacrementalityistheretothisdaywiththewaythatthehumanrightsofHaitiansandDominicansofHaitianoriginaredeniedintheDominicanRepublic.
"Inthesameinterview,HaitianauthorEdwidgeDanticatwhowroteTheFarmingofBones,afictionabouttheParsleyMassacre,alsospokeofthesilenceandwithit,theongoingentrenchmentofsecond-classcitizenshipamongHaitiansintheDR:It'snotsomethingwe[Haitians]talkedabout,butitwastransmittedthroughallhistory.
IhadpeopleinmyfamilywhowenttoworkinthesugarcaneintheDominicanRepublic,anditisanatrocioussituation54C.
E.
F.
THOMPSONthat'scurrent.
Itisnotoneofthosesituationswhereyousay,thisisover.
Youknow,buttherearestillthingsthat,evenaswecometogethertoremember,thefactthatpeoplecanbeintheDominicanRepublicforgen-erationsandnotgetabirthcertificateandtheycan'tgotoschoolandall,thesethingsaresortofpartofthecurrentmigration,sothehistorysortofovershadowsthepresentatthesametimeandthere'salwaysafearofrepeats,whichiswhyit'ssoimportantwhenpeoplecometogethertotalkaboutthepast,notjustforthesakeoftalkingaboutthepast,butalsototalkabouthowwecancreateadifferentfuturewithwhatweknowofthepast.
(NPR,2012)ThistrendofnottalkingaboutpastviolenceiswhatJasonByrne(2014)wroteaboutinhisaccountoftheOcoee,FloridamassacreintheUnitedStatesonelectionday1920.
Othereventsoccurredinthespaceof1920tothepresent—includingasignpostedonthetownlinein1959thatsaid"DogsandNegroesNotWelcome,"buttoday,asByrnedescribed,Ocoeeisanintegratedcitywitharound40,000people,15%ofwhomareAfrican-Americans.
Hewrites:Buttheghostsofthepastcastalongshadow.
Thedescendantsoflongtimeresidentsshyawayfromdiscussingtheshamefulhistoryandprefertopretendthehorrificeventsof90yearsagoneverhappenedatall.
ThesilencinghasanimpactonAfrican-descendedpeoplepsychi-callyandwithoneanotherwithinandacrossregions.
Thesilenc-ingalsohasanimpactonWhitesandnotably,theonproductionofcontinuedracializedviolenceinitsvariousforms.
SociologistNancyDiTomasco's(2013)studyisanexampleofamanifestationofstruc-turalviolencebyrevealinghowthemanufacturingofsilenceanddis-tortionsinfluencesWhitepeopleandtheenvironmentsthatservetheirinterestsasWhitepeople.
ShestudiedagroupofWhitepeopleabouttheirperceptionsofhowtheyachievedsuccessintheirjobsandcareers.
DiTomascodiscoveredthatrelativelyfewwereabletoseethattheywerehoardingopportunitiesforemployment,suchaspass-ingalongaccesstogoodjobstotheirfriendsandfamilymembers,andaffordingthemselvesofotherexchangesinsocial,cultural,andfinan-cialcapitalamongotherWhitepeople.
ShealsofoundthatWhites,whenasked,donotseethemselvesasracist,apparentlyfailingtoseetheincreasinglyhostilepoliticalbehaviorthatconcernsmostlyWhites,andtheyalsotendnotacknowledgethehoarding.
Infact,inherstudy2VIOLENCEANDRACIALIZEDLIVES55ofinterviewswithnearly250Whites,DiTomasco'sparticipantsattrib-utedtheirsuccesstotheirowneffortsandtalentsratherthanthesocialcontextorcircumstancesinwhichtheylive.
"Whatissurprisingaboutthisdynamicisnothowmanypeoplerelyontheuseofsocialresourcesto'getahead'intheirlives,buthowfewofthemrecognizethatsocialresourcesweretheirroutetotheirsuccess"(p.
9).
DiTomasonotedthatthisproblemofwhatshecallsthedisengage-mentofWhitesfrompromotingchangeinracialinequalityisoneinwhichthereis"racialinequalitywithoutracism,"andwherethenorma-tiveenvironmentquiteregularlyerasesanddownplaysracismandespe-ciallyitsroleinWhites'promulgationofit.
DiTomasco'sfindingssuggestthatthesilencingofracismargu-mentsthepiledwreckage.
ThetollracismexactsonBlackpeopletoooftengoesdiminishedandwrittenoffas"unfortunate"atbestor"deserving"atworstasthegrowingdemiseofBlacks'livesincreases.
Asadvancedinthenextchapters,racismalsocontributestotheseveringofthemoralandculturalconnectionsthatBlackshavehadwithotherBlackpeople.
Thesearetheconnectionsthathavebeenformidableinthepastincombatingagainstracializedviolence.
ItfollowsthatamajortaskforBlacksinpersistentlyaddressingracializedviolenceistounderstanditanditsimpactsonselfandsociety.
Itisadeeplypersonalactthatneces-sarilyaffectsourroleindevelopingandrepairingrelationships.
Weturnnexttohowthistaskcanbeaccomplished.
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