Tiananmentianyaclub

1AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapesShaoguangWangJianyuHeAbstractInrecentyears,wehaveobservedastrikingup‐surgeoforganizedvoluntaryactivityandthecreationofprivate,nonprofitornon‐governmentalorganiza‐tionsaroundtheworld.
ThisstudyexplorestowhatextentChinaispartoftheglobalassociationalrevolu‐ShaoguangWangisProfessorattheDepartmentofGovernmentandPub‐licAdministration,theChineseUniversityofHongKong,andtheChiefEditoroftheChinaReview.
Hehasauthored,co‐authored,andedited19booksinChineseandEnglish.
E‐mail:wangshaoguang@cuhk.
edu.
hk.
JianyuHeisaPh.
D.
CandidateintheDepartmentofGovernmentandPublicAdministration,theChineseUniversityofHongKong.
E‐mail:s010833@cuhk.
edu.
hk.
KoreaObserver,Vol.
35,No.
3,Autumn2004,pp.
0‐0.
2004byTHEINSTITUTEOFKOREANSTUDIES.
2ShaoguangWangandJianyuHetion.
Itaimsatchartingthesize,scope,andstructureoftheassociationalworldinChina,inawaythatnotonlyyieldssolidandobjectiveinformationaboutChina,butalsomakesitpossibletoundertakecross‐societycomparisonslater.
KeyWords:Association,China,CivilSociety,SocialCapitalI.
IntroductionInrecentyears,politicalandscholarlyinterestinassocia‐tionallifehasincreasednoticeably,because"astrikingupsurgeisunderwayaroundtheglobalinorganizedvoluntaryactivityandthecreationofprivate,nonprofitornon‐governmentalor‐ganizations"(Salamon,1994).
However,littleisknownaboutassociationallifeinChina,theworld'smostpopulouscountrywithanestimatedpopulationof1.
25billion.
Ifweareindeedinthemidstofa"globalassociationalrevolution"asSalamon(1994)proclaims,itisquiteimportantandtimelytoaskwhetherChinaispartoftherevolution.
Someoutsidecommentatorsoftenassumethatassocia‐tionallifeisrepressedandthereforeinsignificantunderthecommunistrule(Mathews,1997).
Infact,thesituationinChinadoesnotappeartobeverydifferentfromtheabove‐mentionedworldwidetrend.
After30yearsofomnipresentgovernmentcontrol,theChinesestatebeganinthelate1970stostepbackAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes3fromitsefforttoprogramtotallyallofsociallife.
Astheecon‐omyandsocietybecomemorepluralisticandasthepeopleen‐joymorefreedomthaneverbefore,itisonlynaturalforChi‐nesetopursueamoreactiveassociationallife.
Nowasignifi‐cantnumberandwiderangeofassociationsareinoperationinthecountry.
Theproblemisthat,exceptfewaggregatednum‐bers,weknowverylittleaboutthisaspectofmodernChinesesociety.
Forthisreason,improvingthebaseofknowledgeaboutChineseassociationallifeinasystematicfashionisamatterofgreatacademicinterest.
Thepurposeofthisstudyistodojustthat‐‐contributingtoourunderstandingofassocia‐tionallandscapesinChina.
II.
RationaleSincetheearly1990s,theexpandingsocialspacebetweentheindividualandthestatehasattractedgrowinginterestfromChinaspecialists.
Thefocusofthefieldhasbeenonso‐called"civicassociations.
"Somestudiesexaminespecifictypesofmembershiporganizations,suchastradeunions(Chan,1993;Perry,1994),businessandprofessionalassociations(Pearson,1994;UngerandChan,1995;Unger,1996),studentassociations(WasserstromandLiu,1994),leisuregroups(Wang,1994;Chen,1994),orfoundations(Zhang,1995b).
Othersfocusonassociationslocatedincertaintownsandcities(White,1993;Wang,Sun,andZhe,1993;Shue,1994;White,Howell,andShang,1996;Chan,1999).
Stillothersdealwithcivilassociations4ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeingeneral(Whiting,1991;Zhang,1992;Whyte,1992;NationalCommitteeonU.
S.
‐ChinaRelations,1994;Howell,1994;Zhang,1995a;Frolic,1997;Pei,1998;ChanandQiu,1998).
Thosestud‐iesareofteninformativeandinsightful.
Together,theyprovideabroadyetdiversepictureaboutassociationallifeincontem‐poraryChina.
Richasitis,however,withfewrecentexceptions(Ding,1999;Wang,2000;Young,2000),theliteraturesuffersfromthreedrawbacks.
(1)Approach:Thecentraltheoreticalconcernofthelitera‐turehasbeenwhetherthegrowthofcivicassociationsisindicativeoftheemergenceof"civilsociety"inChina.
Somespecialistsconcludethatelementsofcivilsocietyarealreadypresentinsuchassociations,andthatcivilsocietymayemergemorefullyinthefuture(Whyte,1992;White,1993).
Othersdisagree.
Intheirview,thoseassociationscanbestbeexplainedasexamplesofcor‐poratism(Chan,1993;Pearson,1994;UngerandChan,1995;Unger,1996).
Stillotherspointoutthattheremaybe"apossiblecontinuum"ofassociationalexperiencesstretchingfromthosecompletelydominatedbythestateatoneextremetothoserelativelyautonomousattheother(Shue,1994).
Thecivilsocietyapproachfocusesitsattentionalmostexclusivelyontryingtoascertainwhetherassociationsrepresenttheemergenceofacivilsocietythatcanchallengetheparty‐state.
WhileitisimportanttostudytheextenttowhichassociationsareAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes5autonomousfromtheparty‐state,approachingChinawithastrictly"civilsociety"lensmayruntheriskoftreatingtherealityinaProcrusteanmanner.
Nowonderthatmanystudiesendupwithadisappointingconclu‐sionthatthereislittleresemblancebetweenChineseandWesternexperiences.
Perry(1994)isrightthatasimplestate‐societydichotomyisoflittlehelpinexplainingas‐sociationallifeinChina.
Tostudythespacelyingbe‐tweenthestateandthemarket,weshouldnotforcetheworldtofitourconcepts.
Rather,weshouldadjustourconceptstofittherealworld.
(2)Coverage:Perhapsduetotheinfluenceofthecivilsoci‐etyapproach,muchoftheresearchhasfocusedoncivicassociations,especiallyonwhathavecometobeknownasnon‐governmentalorganizations(NGOs),notonas‐sociationsingeneral.
TheconceptofNGO,whilequiteusefulforsomepurposes,embracesaverylimitedrangeofassociations.
Itexcludesmostassociationsthatexistintoday'sChina.
Moreover,NGOoftenfunctionsasanideologicalscreenusedtodifferentiate"good"associa‐tionsfrom"bad"onesalonglinesthatareoftennoten‐tirelyclear(SalamonandAnheier,1997a).
Thus,studiesonNGOsmayatbestsupplement,butcertainlycannotsubstitute,studiesonassociations.
(3)Data:Moststudiesarecasestudiesinnature,coveringeithercertaintypesofassociationsorassociationsincertainlocalcommunities.
AsPei(1998)comments,theymayhaveenabledustoexamineindividual"trees,"but6ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeoverlookedthe"forest.
"Moreover,mostofthepreviousresearcheshavebeeneitherpublishedbeforethemid‐1990s(Whiting,1991;Whyte,1992;Zhang,1992;Chan,1993;Howell,1994;NationalCommitteeonU.
S.
‐ChinaRelations,1994;Wang,Sun,andZhe,1993;White,1993;Chen,1994;Pearson,1994;Perry,1994;Shue,1994;Wang,1994;WasserstromandLiu,1994;UngerandChan,1995;Zhang,1995a,1995b)orbasedupondatacollectedbeforethemid‐1990s(Unger,1996;White,Howell,andShang,1996;Frolic,1997;Pei,1998).
Assnapshotsofparticulartimesandplaces,theyareofcoursevaluable.
ButChinaisacountrywhere"thesituationchangessofastthatupdatesareneededalmostbeforetheinkisdry"(Young,2000:5).
Itisnecessarytoprovideup‐to‐dateinformationontherapidlychangingassociationallandscapesinChina.
ThispaperintendstoprovideaquantitativeassessmentofthedensityanddiversityofassociationallifeinChina.
In‐formedbyanotherprevailingconceptinsocialsciencesinthelastdecadeorso‐‐"socialcapital,"thekeyquestionhereisnotwhetherassociationsareautonomousfromstatecontrol,buttowhatextentpeopleareassociatedwithoneanotherinsomestructuredforms.
Theconceptof"socialcapital"refersto"re‐sourcesembeddedinsocialnetworksaccessedandusedbyactorsforaction"(Lin,2001:25).
Associationalactivityisacor‐nerstoneofthetheoryofsocialcapital.
Variousassociations,formalorinformal,constitutedurablenetworksofinterper‐AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes7sonalrelationshipsthatprovidetheirmemberswithsuchcapi‐tal.
Forthisreason,thedegreeofassociationallifecanbeusedasasurrogatemeasureofsocialcapital(Bourdieu,1986:248;Coleman,1990:302‐304;Putnam,1993:173‐176).
Socialcapitalisnotonlyindividualgoodsbutalsocollec‐tivegoods(Lin,2001:26).
Inadditiontoenablingindividualstogainaccesstoinformation,favors,status,wealth,power,repu‐tation,andthelike,itmayalsocontributetothecreationandmaintenanceofdemocracy,albeitindirectly.
Throughfosteringtheexchangeofinformation,thenormsofreciprocity,andin‐terpersonaltrust,forinstance,socialcapitalmayhelpfacilitatespontaneouscooperation,thus"overcomingdilemmasofcol‐lectiveactionandtheself‐defeatingopportunismthattheyspawn"(Putnam,1993:167).
Thus,asocietywitharelativelyhighlevelofsocialcapitalstockdoesnothavetorelyasheavilyontheuseofforcebythestatetoinducecooperationasthosewithlowerlevelsofsocialcapitalstock(Ibid.
,163‐185).
Perhapsequallyimportant,asaparticularformofsocialcapital,mem‐bershipinassociationsmayinstillhabitsofcompromiseandtolerance,andcultivateorganizationalandcommunicationsskills,whichinturnmayincreasepeople'smotivationandca‐pacitytotakepartinpoliticsandsenseofpoliticalefficacyandcompetence(Verbaetal.
,1995).
Becauseassociationsmaybreadademocraticethicamongtheirmembers,theyareoftenviewedastheschoolfordemocraticcitizenship.
Whereasthecivilsocietyapproachemphasizesassocia‐tions'"external"effectsonthewidepolity(e.
g.
providingacounterweighttothestate),thesocialcapitalapproachfocuses8ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeontheir"internal"effectsonindividualmembers'waysofthinkingandbehaviors(Putnam,1993:89‐90).
Bothtypesofef‐fectsmaybenecessaryfortheemergence,consolidation,effec‐tiveness,andstabilityofdemocraticgovernment,butthecon‐ditionsforthemtooccurarequitedifferent.
Externaleffectsareunlikelytohappenunlessassociationsaresomewhatpoliticalandrelativelyautonomousfromstatecontrol.
However,inter‐naleffectsdonotrequirethatmanifestpurposeoftheassocia‐tionbepolitical.
ThatiswhyTocquevillepraisesvariouskindsofassociations,"religious,moral,serious,futile,verygeneralandverylimited,immenselylargeandveryminute"asvirtu‐ousorganizations(DeTocqueville,1969:513‐514).
Infact,asTocquevilleinsists,civilassociationsaremorecrucialthanpo‐liticalassociationstoademocraticsociety.
"Iftheinhabitantsofdemocraticcountrieshadneithertherightnorthetasteforunitingforpoliticalobjects,theirindependencewouldrungreatrisks,buttheycouldkeepboththeirwealthandtheirknowledgeforalongtime,"Tocquevilleargues.
"Butiftheydidnotlearnsomehabitsofactingtogetherintheaffairsofdailylife,civilizationitselfwouldbeinperil"(Ibid.
,514).
Verba,Schlozman,andBrady(1995:3)echo,"Boththemotivationandthecapacitytotakepartinpoliticshavetheirrootsinthefun‐damentalnon‐politicalinstitutions.
"Putnam(1993:90)putitmorevividly,"Takingpartinachoralsocietyorabird‐watchingclubcanteachself‐disciplineandanapprecia‐tionforthejoysofsuccessfulcollaboration.
"TherearemanymorestudiesdemonstratingthatparticipationinnonpoliticalorganizationscanstimulatepoliticalinvolvementandinterestAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes9(EricksonandNosanchuck,1990;Olsen,1972;Rogers,Barb,andBultena,1975).
Similarly,itcanbearguedthat,forassociationstogeneratesocialcapitalorsomeoftheabove‐mentioned"internal"ef‐fects,theydonothavetobeformal,voluntary,orfullyautonomousfromstatecontrol.
AccordingtoBourdieu(1986:248),socialcapitalisrootedin"adurablenetworkofmoreorlessinstitutionalizedrelationshipsofmutualacquaintanceandrecognition‐‐orinotherwords,tomembershipinagroup.
"Aslongasanassociationformssuchanetwork,theensuingdenseinterpersonalrelationshipswouldconstituteavaluableassetthatmaybenefititsownmembersaswellasthesocietyatlarge,whethertheassociationisformalvoluntarynongovern‐mentalorganizationornot.
StudiesintheUnitedStatesandtheUnitedKingdom,forinstance,havefoundthatsocialnetworks,bothformalandinformal,reducedcrime(PutnamandGoss,2002:6).
OffeandFuchs(2002:242)observeamonginformalgroupsinGermany,"Thisinformalitydoesnotprecludeastrongpreparednessonthepartofthoseattachedtoprovidehelpandtoshareresourceswithother(recognized)members.
"Likewise,astudyofinvoluntaryorganizationsinEnglandquestionsthecurrentemphasisonvoluntaryorganizationswhenexaminingsocialcapital.
TheformalinstitutionsactivewithinEngland'ssmallercommunitiesinthe14‐17centurieswerefoundtohavegeneratedconsiderablesocialcapital(in‐cludingbothinternalandexternalreturns),regardlessofwhetherparticipationinthemwasobligatoryorvoluntary.
Theemphasisuponthevoluntarynatureoforganizationsbypo‐thth10ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeliticalscientistsintheirstudyofsocialcapitalthereforeisdeemedunnecessary(McIntosh,2001).
Forsimilarreasons,itmayalsobeprematuretoexcludethepossibilitythatassocia‐tionsincorporatedorco‐optedbythestatecanproduceusefulsocialreturnsjustaseffectivelyascangroupsthatareinde‐pendentfromthestate.
Foster(2001:94)isrightwhenhepointsout,"Associationsdonotinvariablyseekautonomyfromthestate.
Viewingassociationsasfundamentally"civic"innature,embodyingasocietalinterestinfreedomfromstatedomina‐tion,obscuresthemorebasicfactthatassociationsareorgani‐zationscreatedtoaccomplishparticulargoals.
"Insum,theanalyticframeworkthatundergirdsthecivilsocietyapproachisundulyrestrictive.
Consequently,manyin‐terestingandimportantpartsoftheassociationaluniversearedismissedasunworthyofattention.
Incontrast,thesocialcapi‐talapproachismoreinclusive,allowingthefullestpossiblear‐rayofassociationstobeincludedinourstudyofChina'sasso‐ciationaluniverse.
ThearticleattemptstomapoutthewholepictureofassociationallifeinChina,top‐downorbottom–up,voluntaryorinvoluntary,andformalorinformal.
Associationhereisbroadlydefinedassocialspaceinwhichindividualsaretiedtoeachotherthroughformalandinformalgroupmem‐bership.
Measuringthedensityanddiversityofassociationallifemayappeartobeamodestobjective,butinfact,itisaHercu‐leantask.
ThestudyofassociationsinChinahaslongbeenhandicappedbyabsenceofacentralsourceofinformationonthesubject.
Asinmostothercountries,theChinesegovernmentAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes11rarelygathersstatisticaldataonassociations,andevenifsomeofitsagenciesdo,theyoftencollectinformationonlyintheirrespectivejurisdictions.
Thus,evenatthemostbasiclevelofquantification,informationisabysmallyinadequateandfrag‐mented.
Sincenosingleinformationsourceonassociationsisavailable,wehavemadegreateffortsinassemblingdatafromalargeassortmentofsources.
ThepictureemergedfromthedatapresentedbelowmakeunambiguouslyevidentthataveritableassociationalrevolutionisindeedunderwayinChina,whichmaywellprovetobeasmomentousafeatureofthecontem‐poraryChinaastheriseofamarketeconomy.
Forthesakeofconvenience,webuildasimpletypologyofassociativeformsofsociallifebaseduponthecombinationoftwodimensions:Naturecanbevoluntaryorinvoluntary,andmakeupcanbeformalorinformal(Figure1).
12ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeFigure1.
ATypologyofAssociationsNatureVoluntaryInvoluntaryFormalOrganizationsundertheJurisdictionoftheMinistryofCivilAffairsQuasi‐governmentalOrganizationsMakeupInformalGrassrootsGroupsVirtualGroups[TraditionalKinship]III.
TheBenchmarkInordertodemonstratethattheabove‐mentioned"asso‐ciationalrevolution"isreal,notillusory,weneedtoplacetherecentdevelopmentinahistoricalperspective.
AbriefhistoryofassociationsinChinathereforeispresentedhere.
IntraditionalChina,primaryassociationsoffamilyandkinshipwereabundant,membershipinmostofwhichwerenon‐voluntary.
QiangxueSociety,areformistgroupfoundedbyKangYouweiinBeijinginSeptember1895,wasthoughttobethefirstmodernsecondaryorcivicassociationinthecoun‐try.
ThisgroupexistedforbarelyfivemonthsbeforetheQinggovernmentoutlaweditinJanuary1896.
Ironically,thebanofQiangxueSocietyspurredevengreaterinterestinstartingre‐form‐orientedlearnedsocietiesamongtheliterati.
Thefollow‐AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes13ingtwoyearswitnessedthefirstwaveofassociationformationinthemodernhistoryofChina,with63suchgroupsestab‐lishedintheperiod(Y.
Zhang,1971a:126‐130).
Inthefirstdecadeofthe20thcentury,voluntarygroupsbegantoproliferate.
Astudyidentifies733membershipasso‐ciationsthatcameintobeingbetween1899and1909,including85reformistgroups,65revolutionary,265commercial,103educational,65academic,50diplomatic,17cultural,and83others(Y.
Zhang,1971b:90‐148).
Ofcourse,thenumberofas‐sociationsatanyparticularmomentduringtheseyearsweremuchsmallerthan733,becauseearlygroupstendedtobefrag‐ileorshort‐lived.
In1911,theQingdynastywasoverthrownandreplacedbytheRepublicofChina,thefirstrepublicinAsia.
Thepoliticalchangecatalyzedanotherwaveofassociationaldevelopment.
Withinayearorso,nearly700politicalorganizationsemergedacrossthecountry(Y.
Zhang,1975:33;Wang,1984:541).
Soonafter,businessassociationsbegantoburgeon.
Whileonly57chambersofcommercewereidentifiedin1912(Zhu,1991:55),thenumberjumpedto1,242in1915(EB,1975:117).
AfterthedeathofYuanShikaiin1916,thesubsequentpoliticalchaosandtangledwarfarebetweenregionalwarlordstemporarilyhamperedassociationalactivity.
However,followingtheMayFourthMovementof1919,Chinasawthebeginningofyetan‐otherupsurgeofassociationalbuilding.
Hundredsofyouthgroups,learnedsocieties,literaryclubs,mutualaidco‐ops,andsoonsprangupinmajorcities,especiallyamonguniversitystudentsandprofessors,between1920and1923(WangandLi,14ShaoguangWangandJianyuHe1994:358,372).
Inordertomobilizepoliticalsupportagainsttheircommonenemies‐‐warlordsandlocalbullies,bothNationalistParty(KMT)andnewlyestablishedCommunistPartymadepains‐takingefforttosetuptradeunionsandpeasants'associationsinthemid‐1920s.
Aroundthetimewhenthetwopartiessplitin1927,therewereabout700tradeunionswithover2millionmembers(Liu,1998:343)and22,000peasants'associationswith9,153,093members(DIPPKU,1985:170).
Afterward,thetwopartiesseparatelycontrolledtheirownworkers'andpeasants'organizations.
Thereisnorecordonthecommunistside,buttheNanjinggovernmentclaimedtohave33,000grassrootspeasants'associationswith34,681,000membersin1938(TSHDHC,1994:86,497).
From1937to1945,ChinawasatwarwithJapan.
LargepartsofChina'territoryfellunderJapaneseoccupation.
TheKMTgovernmentthenmoveditscapitaltoaninlandcity,Chongqing.
In1942,itstipulated"OrganicLawofPeople'sGroupsduringtheWarTime,"whichrequiredassociationstoregisterwiththegovernment.
Atotal17,250organizationsdidinthesameyear.
Twoyearslaterin1944,thenumberreached26,126.
Ofcourse,organizationsexistinginareasunderJapa‐nesecontrolwereexcluded(Liu,1998:423‐424).
Nooneknewtherealnumberforthewholecountry.
Japanesesurrenderedin1945,butsoonafterChinafellintoa3.
5‐yearlongcivilwar,duringwhichthegovernmentlosttrackofthenumberofoper‐atingassociations.
Thewarendedin1949withavictoryoftheCommunistforces.
TheKMTforcesfledtoTaiwan.
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes15IntheearlyyearsofthePeople'sRepublic,thenationalgovernmentsdidnotseemtohavekeptrecordofthetotalnumberofassociationsinthewholecountry,butsomelocalgovernmentsdid.
AsTable1indicates,infourprovinces(Ji‐angxi,Fujian,Guangdong,andLiaoning)andthreemetropo‐lises(Shanghai,Tianjin,andNanjing)forwhichinformationwasavailable,nogeneralpatternwasdiscernibleduringtheperiod.
Insomeplaces,thenumberofassociationsplungedsubstantiallyfromthepreviouspeak(JiangxiandGuangdong);inothers,thedeclinewasquiteminor(ShanghaiandTianjin);andyetintherest,thenumberswelled(Fujian,Liaoning,andNanjing).
After1956,therewasnolongeranysinglegovernmentministrythattookthesoleresponsibilityfortheadministrationofassociationalaffairs.
Instead,allparty/stateagencies(in‐cludingMinistryofCulture,StateSportsCommission,StateScienceandTechnologyCommission,ChineseAcademyofSciences,and,aboveall,theParty'sDepartmentofPropa‐ganda)wereinvolved,witheachinchargeofcertaintypesoforganizations.
Nocentralizedregistrationwasrequired.
Thissituationdidnotchangeuntil1989‐1990(MaandLiu,1993:10‐11).
Thus,systematicstatisticsonassociationswassimplynon‐existentformorethan30years.
Tothebestofourknowl‐edge,therewereabout100nation‐levelassociationsand6,000localassociationsin1965(WuandChen,1996:4‐7).
AfterChinaembarkedonreforms,Chineseassociationsunderwentapost‐reformrenaissanceinthe1980s.
Basedonadatasetthatcontainsinformationfrom16,379existingassociations,Figure216ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeplotsthefrequenciesoftheirrespectivefoundingyears.
Clearly,neverbeforehadChinaseensuchahighlevelofasso‐ciationbuilding.
WhentheMinistryofCivilAffairsassumedthedutyofoverseeingassociationalaffairsin1989,itestimatedthattherewerealtogether1,600nation‐levelorganizationsand200,000localones.
InthenineplacesincludedinTable1,thenumberofregisteredassociationsin1989‐1990allsurpassedthepreviousrecordyear.
Table1.
RegisteredAssociationsinSelectedPlaces,1912‐1990JiangxiFujianGansuGuandongLiaoingShanhaiTianjinNanjingShaoing191210019281421934112319351142193615193724031941298819422225194397194432731572141621219452087194645364385247940903881947274027194851431320492379194927941336350278AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes1719515044851116195292319043771953121019541474195659019816331985225619877000198842991989100004290801990817213200114034803*Sources:JiangxiMinzhengZhi[RecordsofJiangxiCivilAffairs](HuangshanPublishingHouse,1993);FujianShengzhi‐MinzhengZhi[FujianRecords‐CivilAffairs](Beijing:FangzhiPublishingHouse,1997);GansuShengzhi‐MinzhengZhi[GansuRecords‐CivilAffairs](Lanzhou:GansuPeoples'PublishingHouse,1994);GuangdongShengzhi‐MinzhengZhi[GuangdongRecords‐CivilAffairs](Guangzhou:GuangdongPeoples'PublishingHouse,1993);LiaoningShengMinzhengZhi[RecordsofLiaoningCivilAffairs](LiaoningPeoples'PublishingHouse,1996);ShanghaiMinzhengZhi[RecordsofShanghaiCivilAffairs](Shanghai:ShanghaiAcademyofSocialSciencePublishingHouse,2000);MaandLiu(1993);TianjinTongzhi‐MinzhengZhi[AllRecordsofTian‐jin‐CivilAffairs](TianjinAcademyofSocialSciencePublishingHouse,2001);NanjingMinzhengZhi[RecordsofNanjingCivilAffairs](Shenzhen:HaitianPublishingHouse;1994);JiangsuShengzhi‐MinzhengZhi[JiangsuRe‐cords‐CivilAffairs](Beijing:FangzhiPublishingHouse,2002);ShaoxingMinzhengZhi[RecordsofShaoxingCivilAffairs](Beijing:FangzhiPublish‐ingHouse,1998).
18ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeFigure2.
FoundingYearofAssociations*Source:Ourdatabank.
IV.
OrganizationsundertheJurisdictionofMCARegisteredgroupsrefertothosethathaveregisteredwiththeMinisterofCivilAffairs(MCA)anditssubsidiariesthroughoutthecountry.
Thosefallintotwobroadcategories:"socialorganizations"and"privatenon‐enterpriseunits.
"A.
SocialOrganizationsIn1989,theStateCouncilpromulgatedtheRegulationontheRegistrationandAdministrationofAssociations,whichen‐trustedtheMCAasthesoleauthorityofregistration.
Withsomeexceptions,allcivicassociationswererequiredtoregisterAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes19withtheMCAanditslocalbureaus.
Todoso,anassociationhadtofindaparty/stateagencythatwaswillingtobeitsoffi‐cialsponsorfirst.
Otherwise,itwouldhavetodissolveitself.
Thesystemofdualregulationswasdesignedfortheparty‐statetocontrolthedevelopmentoftheregisteredassociations.
InthehighlyelectricpoliticalenvironmentaftertheTiananmen,thousandsofassociationsfailedtoobtainappropriatespon‐sorship.
Consequently,thetotalnumberofregisteredassocia‐tionsdroppedfromaround200,000in1989tobarely110,000in1991.
AsFigure3shows,associationalactivismquicklyresumedinthefirsthalfof1990s.
By1996,thenumberofregisteredas‐sociationsreached186,666,alevelonlyslightlylowerthanthepeakof1989.
However,therapidgrowthofassociationswasseenbythegovernmentasaseriouschallengetoitsabilitytomanageassociationalaffairs.
Inparticular,theemergenceofsuchsemi‐religiousorganizationsasFalunGonggreatlywor‐riedthegovernment.
Withhierarchicalstructureandtop‐to‐bottomcontrol,suchorganizationscouldposeathreattotheregime.
In1999,suchconcernturnedintoarealitywhenmorethan10,000FalunGongpractitionerssurroundedZhongnanhai,thecompoundincentralBeijinghousingthecoregovernmentandCCPleadersandtheirfamilies.
Tore‐movepotentialtimebombs,thegovernmentbecamestricterinconductingannualinspectionsoverassociations.
Thosefailingtheinspectionswereforcedtoshutdown.
In1998,theStateCouncilamendedtheRegulationontheRegistrationandAd‐ministrationofAssociations,whichincreasedthethresholdof20ShaoguangWangandJianyuHetheinitialfundsandrequiredsponsoringagenciestotakefullresponsibilityfortheconductsofrelatedassociations.
Thosemeasuresresultedinanotherslumpofthenumberofregis‐teredassociationsbetween1996and2001.
Afterward,thefal‐lingtrendwasreversed.
Bytheendof2003,Chinahad142,000registeredassociations.
Figure3.
RegisteredAssociations:1991‐2003*Source:MinistryofCivilAffairs,ZhongguoMinzhengTongjiNianjian[Statis‐ticalYearbookofCivilAffairs](Beijing:ChinaStatisticalPress,variousyears).
1Whatkindsofassociationsweremostvulnerabletotheabove‐mentionedpolicychangesThegovernmentseemstohavefavoredsometypesofassociationsoverothers.
Officially,MCAdividesassociationsintofivelargecategories:academic1.
2003'sdataisfromtheofficialwebsiteofBureauofNPOAdministration[http://www.
chinanpo.
gov.
cn].
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes21associations(xueshu),tradeassociations(hangye),professionalassociations(zhuanye),federations(lianhe),andfoundations(ji‐jinhui).
DatafromtheMCAStatisticalYearbookshowsthatthegovernmenttendstobemoresupportivetothefirsttwocate‐gories,whichtogetheraccountedfornearly60percentofthetotalnumberofregisteredassociationsin2002(Figure4).
Figure4.
SocialOrganizationsbyType,2002*Source:ZhongguoMinzhengTongjiNianjian(2003).
Fromtheverybeginningofthereformera,theroleofsci‐enceandtechnologyinmodernizationhasbeenemphasized.
ManyacademicassociationsthathadbeendisbandedduringtheCulturalRevolutionresumedtheiractivitiesafter1978.
Thenumberofacademicassociationshasnotfluctuatedasmuchasothertypesofassociationswhenthestateintervened.
Attheendof2002,intheareaofnaturalscienceandtechnologyalone,therewere3,776academicassociationsatthenationalandpro‐22ShaoguangWangandJianyuHevinciallevel,withamembershipof7.
9million(Table2).
Table2.
AcademicAssociationsinNaturalScienceandTechnology:1987‐2002OrganizationsbyLevelMembershipbyLevelTotalNationProvincePrefectureNationProvincePrefecture1987-1462885-17187802396037-1988-1462828-2012312--1989-1513013-2238956--1990-1553257-23059913384177-1991-1593198-29434693655743-1992-1633107-32356313592950-1993-16031601994-16431241995-1653538-27345892858868199613369165305510149415729740710874859651199713092165300699214174262421974147038181998-16529501999-16335352000121111683470847345704004551200-2001120231673648820844900003710000-20021673609-39400003960000-*Source:MinistryofScience&Technology,ZhongguoKejiTongjiNianjian[Sta‐tisticalYearbookofScience&Technology](Beijing:ChinaStatisticalPress,variousyears).
Tradeassociationisaproductofmarketizationanddena‐AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes23tionalization.
Thepre‐reformsystemofplannedeconomyleftnospacefortradeassociationstofunction.
Asgovernmentagenciesincreasinglywithdrewfrommicromanagementofstate‐ownedenterprisesandmoreandmorenon‐stateenter‐prisescameintobeing,thestaterealizedthattradeassociationscouldplaysuchimportantrolesasfacilitatinginformationex‐changeandconductingself‐regulationamongtheirmemberfirms.
Forthisreason,thegovernmenthasgoneoutofitswaytopromotethedevelopmentoftradeassociationsintherecentyears.
In2000,forinstance,nearly40percentofthenewlyreg‐isteredassociationsweretradeassociations.
Theratioincreasedto45percentinthefollowingyear.
Inthissense,thecurrentdistributionalpatternofregisteredassociationsrevealsthepreferenceorderofthestatewithregardstodifferenttypesofassociations.
Moreover,Figure5suggeststhattheadministrativelevelmatters:thelowerthelevel,themorevulnerable.
After1994,thenumbersofnation‐levelandprovince‐level,andprefec‐ture‐levelassociationshavefluctuatedbutwithinnarrowranges.
County‐levelassociations,however,weremorelikelytosufferfromrestrictivepolicyenvironment.
24ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeFigure5.
SocialOrganizationsbyAdministrativeLevels*Source:ZhongguoMinzhengTongjiNianjian(variousyears).
B.
PrivateNon‐enterpriseUnitsPrivatenon‐enterpriseunitsareprovidersofsocialserviceswhosepurposesarenottomaximizeprofits.
Examplesincludeprivateschools,daycarecenters,facilitiesforthephysicallyandmentallychallenged,retirementhomes,andsoon.
Mostofsuchentitiesusedtobeownedbythestateorcollectives.
Nowtheybecameprivatizedinonewayoranother.
Inaddition,anincreasingnumberofsuchentitieswererecentlyestablishedtomeetnewdemandsresultedfromChina'srapidsocioeconomictransition.
Theytendedtobeprivate‐ownedfromtheoutset.
Whatevertheiroriginswere,thoseorganizationsdidnotbeginAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes25theirregistrationwithMCAuntil1999.
Inthelastfiveyears,thenumberofregisteredorganizationsincreasedbymorethan20folds.
Bytheendof2003,therewerealtogether124,000"privatenon‐enterpriseunits"(Figure6).
Figure6.
PrivateNon‐EnterpriseUnits*Source:ZhongguoMinzhengTongjiNianjian(variousyears).
2C.
WhatareExcludedStudiesonChina'scivilsocietyoftenfocuson"socialor‐ganizations"and"privatenon‐enterpriseunits,"assumingthattheycovertheentireassociationallandscapesinChina(YoungandWoo,2000).
Infact,organizationsregisteredwithMCAonlyoccupyasmallcornerofthevastlandscapes.
Mostasso‐ciationsinChinaareactuallynotregisteredwithMAC.
Firstof2.
2003'sdataisfromtheofficialwebsiteofBureauofNPOAdministration[http://www.
chinanpo.
gov.
cn].
26ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeall,thereareorganizationsthatshouldregisterwiththeMinis‐tryofCivilAffairsbutfailtodoso.
Figure5showsthatmorethan40,000county‐levelsocialorganizationsvanishedonMCA'srecordbetween1996and2000.
ThattheywerenolongerregisteredwithMCAdidnotmeanthattheynolongerexisted.
Someofthemmighthavedisbandedthemselvesormergedintootherorganizations,butmostmighthavechoseneithertoregisterascommercialentitiesinsteadorsimplycon‐tinuetheiroperationwithoutregistrationatall.
Asamatteroffact,manyofhigh‐profileenvironmentgroupsinChinahaveneverregisteredwithMCA.
Becausethethresholdsforregis‐trationarequitehigh,manynewlyformedorganizationsmightalsonotbeabletoregistereveniftheyarewillingtodoso.
3Wehavereasonstoestimatethatthenumberofsocialorganiza‐tionsthatoperatewithoutofficialregistrationcouldbeasmanyas30,000‐50,000inthenation.
Asforprivatenon‐enterpriseunits,MACitselfestimatedthattheremightinfactbe200,000‐300,000ofthemcurrentlyoperatinginthecountrybutfailingtoregister(Zhao,2003).
Inadditiontotheregisteredandunregisteredsocialor‐ganizationsandprivatenon‐enterpriseunits,thereishugenumberofassociationsthatarenotrequiredtoregisterwithMCAbylaw.
Thoseincludelocalchaptersoftheeightcatego‐riesof"massorganizations"thatarethemembershipoftheChinesePeople'sPoliticalConsultativeCongressandof25"so‐3.
AformerofficialfromShanghaimunicipalbureauofcivilaffairstoldusthat,afterretirement,sheworkedforanon‐governmentalorganization,butherorganizationwasforcedtooperatewithoutregistration,becausetherequirementofinitialfundsforsocialorganizationswassettoohigh.
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes27cialorganizations"thatareexemptfromregistrationswithMCAbytheStateCouncil(e.
g.
theChinaWritersAssociationortheAll‐ChinaJournalismAssociation).
Moreover,grassrootsassociationsbelowthecountylevel,especiallythoseoperatingwithinenterprises,governmentagencies,schools,urbanneighborhoods,ruraltownshipsandvillages,etc.
donothavetoregisterwithMCAeither.
Thenexttwosectionsturntoex‐aminingthesevastareasofChina'sassociationallandscapes.
V.
Quasi‐GovernmentalOrganizationsEstablishedbytheCommunistPartybeforeorafter1949andcoveringtheparty'skeyconstituencies(workers,youth,women,scientistsandengineers,businesspersons,overseasChinese,literaryandartcircles,andsoon),massorganizationshavebeenimportantinstitutionalpillarsofChina'spoliticalsystem.
Theyaredesignedastwo‐waytransmissionbeltsbe‐tweentheparty/stateandthemassesofpeople.
Theyareex‐pectedtocarryoutthedirectivesoftheparty/stateandpassthemdowntothemassesontheonehand,andcollectthewill,opinionandinterestsofthemassesandcarrythembacktothepolicy‐makingoftheparty/stateontheother.
Evenbeforethereformera,"therehasbeenvariationovertimeinthedegreeofpoliticalintegrationdemandedofmassorganizations.
Duringperiodsofpoliticalmobilization,massorganizationswerehighlypoliticized.
Duringperiodsofconsolidations,theybe‐camerelativelyindependentofpoliticaldemandsandmore28ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeresponsivetotheexpressedneedsandinterestsoftheirmem‐bers"(Fisher,1974:11‐12).
Reformsinthelastquarterofcen‐turyhavefurtherweakenedtheirpoliticalrolesandstrength‐enedtheirfunctionalroles.
Allmassorganizationsareumbrellaorganizations,eachofwhichhasthousandsofbranchesandsubsidiariesandmillionsofmembersthroughoutthecountry.
Table3presentsbreak‐downinformationabouteightmassorganizations.
Spacelimitdoesnotallowustoelaboratehowwearriveatthosenumbers.
Whatfollowsisthediscussionofacoupleofcases,whichismeanttoillustratehowweassembledatafromamyriadofsourcesforsuchexercises.
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes29Table3.
MassOrganizationsandTheirGrassrootsGroupsEightMassOrganizationsGrassrootsGroupsTradeUnions1,713,000YouthLeagueBranches2,720,000Women'sAssociations684,000Science&TechnologyAssociations50,000RuralSpecialAssociations115,658AST10,674WST25,611ReturnedOverseasChinese11,000FederationofIndustry&Commerce18,481Self‐EmployedAssociation30,000TaiwaneseAssociationsYouthFederationSub‐total5,378,424*Notes:WSTsaresponsoredbytradeunions.
Forconvenience,theyarein‐cludedunderthecategoryofscienceandtechnology.
TheAdministrativeBureauofIndustryandCommercesponsoras‐sociationsofself‐employedandprivatebusinesspersons.
However,theirfunctionsaresimilartoFederationofIndustry&Commerce.
A.
AllChinaFederationofTradeUnions(ACFTU)4Tradeunionsaresupposedtoprotecttherightsandinter‐estsofworkers,butatthesametime,theyareusedbytheparty/statetopacifyworkersormobilizeworkersforachievingcertainpoliticalgoals.
Thedualnaturehasoftenledunionsto4.
AllChinaFederationofTradeUnions'website[http://www.
acftu.
org].
30ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeconflictwiththeparty‐state.
5Duetothemassivedenationaliza‐tionoftheChineseeconomyinrecentyears,unionsareinaprocessofsearchingfortheirnewidentities.
Whileitisuncer‐tainaboutwhethertheywilleventuallybecometruerepresen‐tativesofworkers'interests,noonecandenytheirpotentialityofservingasapowerfulcounterforceagainstmanagement.
Recentrestructuringoftradeunionsseemstohintthatsuchchangeishighlyprobable.
Figure7.
TradeUnionsinChina:1952‐2002*Sources:ACFTU,ZhongguoGonghuiTongjiNianjian[TheStatisticalYearbookofTradeUnionsinChina](Beijing:ChinaStatisticalPress,variousyears)andZhongguoGonghuiNianjian[YearbookofTradeUnionsinChina](Beijing:ACFTUPress,variousyears).
AsFigure7reveals,thenumbersofgrassrootstradeunions5.
ForthedetaileddescriptionoftheconflictsbetweenAll‐ChinaFederationofTradeUnionsandtheparty‐state,seeHarper(1969)andZhang(2003).
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes31andtheirmembershipreachedtheirpeaksintheearly1990s.
Afterward,bothbegantofall.
Thiswassobecauseatthattimetradeunionsoperatedmainlyinthestate‐ownedsector,whichwasexperiencingapainfuldeclineinmuchofthe1990s.
Theyearof1999appearedtobeaturningpoint.
Inthesubsequentthreeyears,thenumberofgrassrootsunionsmorethantripledandtheirmembershipincreasedby50percent.
Bothchangesweretheresultsoftheexpansionofunionsintotheprivatesector.
Interestingly,althoughthenumberofgrassrootstradeunionsexpandedrapidlyafter1999,thenumberofthefull‐timestaffworkingforthemwasstillshrinking,anindicationthattheparty/state'scontroloverunionswasrelaxing.
Attheendof2002,therewerealltogether1,712,528grassrootstradeunionsinChinawithatotalmembershipof133,977,709.
B.
ChineseCommunistYouthLeague(CCYL)6ChineseCommunistYouthLeagueisdefinedasthevan‐guardoftheyouth.
Toserveasan"assistantandreserve"fortheChineseCommunistParty(CCP),themainfunctionofCCYListorecruitandeducateoutstandingyoungmenandwomen.
Inthe1990s,theCCYLbecamelessattractivetotheyoungpeople.
Afterthemiddle1990s,thoughthemembershipwasstillgrowing,thenumberofgrassrootsbranchesdeclined(seeTable4),achangethatmightalsoberelatedtotheshrink‐ageofthestatesectoroftheeconomy.
Inthenewcentury,theCCYLbegantoestablishbranchesintheprivatesector,which6.
ChineseCommunistYouthLeague'swebsite[http://www.
ccyl.
org.
cn].
32ShaoguangWangandJianyuHehelpedtoincreaseitsgrassrootsbranches,butonlyslightly.
Attheendof2002,thereare2.
57millionsofbrancheswithatotalmembershipnearly70millions.
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes33Table4.
DevelopmentofYouthLeagueYearMembership(million)#ofStaff#ofBranches(million)197848.
54150200212.
71979/161600/198047.
74168034227.
3198146.
95184716226.
5198246.
60200820227.
8198551.
82220511239.
5198656.
37229692247.
7198760.
07225308249198856.
00208027256.
91989/209188/199055.
35220571260.
8199156.
48235235258.
1199256.
80227546/199358.
00210593263.
9199461.
80215612264.
8199563.
76213891274.
7199665.
56214960271.
2199768.
54213695276.
6199868.
71208876264.
2199968.
03186971254.
920002001200269.
86183000272*Source:[http://80years.
ccyl.
org.
cn/80year/tdjs/index.
htm].
34ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeC.
ChinaAssociationforScienceandTechnology(CAST)7ChinaAssociationforScienceandTechnologyisanum‐brellamassorganizationofscientistsandengineers.
Inadditiontodirectlymanagingnear200nation‐levelscientificsocieties,CASThasaround2,600localbranchesatprovincial,municipal,andcountylevels,whichinturnoversee42,000scientificsocie‐tiesatthecorrespondinglevels.
Moreimportant,belowthecountylevel,thereexistthreevastnetworksofgrassrootsasso‐ciationsforscienceandtechnology,namely,ruralspecialtech‐niqueassociations(RSTA),associationsforscienceandtech‐nologyinenterprises(AST),andtheworkers'technicalassocia‐tions(WTA).
RSTAsemergedaftertheintroductionofhouseholdre‐sponsibilitysysteminthelate1970sandearly1980s.
Theyweretechnicalandeconomiccooperativeorganizationsofthefarm‐erswhohappenedtoplantthesamecropsorengageinsimilaractivities.
RSTAshaveexpandedquickly,especiallyafterCASTsetupasubsidiary‐‐ChinaRuralSpecialTechniqueAssocia‐tion(CRSTA)todirectRSTAsin1995.
Itisreportedthat5.
8millionsoffarmersjoined115,658RSTAsbytheendof2001(Figure8).
Alsoattheendof2001,therewere10,674ASTsoperatinginenterprises.
WhileASTsarecomposedofengineersandtechnicians,WTAsareorganizationsofworkers.
WTAwasfirst7.
ChinaAssociationforScienceandTechnology'swebsite[http://www.
cflac.
org.
cn].
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes35foundedbysomemodelworkersinShenyangin1961.
8Fromthenon,thegovernmenthasmadeeffortstopromotetheirde‐velopment,aimingatincreasingtheparticipationofworkersintechnicalinnovation,cooperation,competition,andtransfer.
Table5presentsstatisticsonWTAsforthelastdecadeorso.
Apparently,WTAshavecontractedsincethemid‐1990s,whichnodoubtisaconsequenceofthedenationalizationoftheChi‐neseeconomy.
PrivateenterprisesdonotseemtohavemuchinterestinWTAsatall.
8.
Foradministrativepurpose,WTAsareunderthejurisdictionoftheAllChinaFederationofTradeUnions.
36ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeFigure8.
RuralSpecialTechniqueAssociations*Source:[http://www.
china‐njx.
com/xiehuifenbutu.
htm].
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes37Table5.
GrassrootsWorkers'TechnicalAssociationsGrassrootsWTA#MembershipFull‐timeStaff1991597503642203390491992601544008042480991993612984339543564261994700004340000‐19964709132783541182031997339403258082656271998380003260000‐2002256112288960‐*Source:ZhongguoGonghuiTongjiNianjianandZhongguoGonghuiNianjian(variousyears).
**Note:ThosefiguresincludetheWTAsatthelevelsofprovinceandpre‐fecture.
D.
All‐ChinaFederationofIndustryandCommerceEstablishedin1953,theAll‐ChinaFederationofIndustryandCommerce(ACFIC)wasanorganizationrepresentingtheinterestsofindustrialandcommercialbusiness.
ApprovedbytheStateCouncil,nowtheACFICisalsoknownastheChinaGeneralChamberofCommerce(CGCC).
Theadoptionofa"newface"isasignthattheorganizationintendstodownplayits"unitedfront"roleandshiftitsemphasismoretowardeco‐nomicandnon‐stateactivities.
Bytheendof2002,theACFICsystemhadamembershipofabout1.
64million,comprisingenterprises,institutions,andindividuals.
Memberswerepre‐38ShaoguangWangandJianyuHedominantlysmallandmedium‐sizeenterprisesaswellasindi‐viduallyownedventures(getihu).
Thesystemhasanextensivenetworkoflocalchambersofcommercethroughoutthecoun‐try,including3,059localchaptersatthecountylevelandabove,ofwhich358localchaptersarelocatedinmajorcitiesthroughoutthecountry,covering95%ofthenation'sadminis‐trativeregions.
Belowthecountylevel,therearesome18,481chaptersatthetownshipandcommunitylevel,461ofwhichwerefoundedduring2001.
Therelationshipsamongthechambersatvariouslevelsareinformalandquiteloose.
ThenationalACFICmayprovideguidancetotheprovincialandlocalchambersandtheprovincialchambersmayalsoprovideguidancetotheirrespectivelocalchambers,butthenationalandprovincialchambersdonothaveformalauthoritytoissueorderstothelocalchambers(ADB,2003:44).
InadditiontotheACFIC,privatebusinesspersonsmayalsojoineitherlocalgetihuassociationsorprivateenterpriseassociations.
SupervisedbytheStateAdministrationforIndus‐tryandCommerce(SAIC)anditslocalbranches,thetwoor‐ganizationshavetheirownnetworksthroughoutthecountryateveryadministrativelevel,whichareseparatedfrom,andcompeteinsupplyingcertainservicestomemberswith,theACFICsystem.
Althoughbothappeartohavetop‐downstruc‐ture,eachlocalassociationisactuallyindependentandisad‐ministeredbyitsrespectivelocalgovernment.
Thereisalsoconsiderablevariationinthename,structure,size,andactivi‐tiesofdifferentassociationsdependinguponthelocalcondi‐tionsandtheattitudesoflocalgovernments.
Sincetwoorgani‐AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes39zationsgenerallyoverlaptheACFICsystem,itisconservativetoestimatethattheytogetherhaveatleast30,000groupsbelowthecountylevel(ADB,2003:46).
E.
OtherQuasi‐GovernmentalOrganizationsOntopoftheeightmajormassorganizations,thereareothergovernment‐sponsoredorganizations,eachofwhichhasitsownnation‐widenetwork.
ExamplesincludeChinaFamilyPlanningAssociation(CFPA)9andtheconsumers'associa‐tions.
10Establishedin1980,CFPAhassincepenetratednearlyallprovinces,municipalities,andcounties,andalargeportionofurbanneighborhoodsandruralcommunities.
Thoseorgani‐zationshaveservedasaneffectiveinstrumentforthegovern‐menttocarryoutitsbirthcontrolpolicy,especiallyinthecountryside.
Besides,theyhavealsobeenactiveinthefieldsofhealtheducationandcommunitydevelopment.
CFPAreport‐edlyhasabout1.
02millionlocalbranchesand83millionmembers.
ThemissionofChinaConsumers'Associationistoprotecttheconsumerrightsandtoprobeandintermediatethecon‐sumers'complainsaccordingtotheLawonConsumerRightsProtection.
Afteritsfoundationintheearly1980s,theorganiza‐tionhasexpandedrapidly.
Itslocalbranchesnowpenetrateallcornersofthecountry.
AsFigure9shows,by1999,therewere9.
ChinaFamilyPlanningAssociation'swebsite[http://www.
chinafpa.
org.
cn].
10.
ChinaConsumers'Association'swebsite[http://www.
cca.
org.
cn].
40ShaoguangWangandJianyuHealready3,138chaptersatthecountylevelandabove.
Itisre‐portedthatconsumers'associationsatlowerlevelsamountedto156,000.
Figure9.
Consumers'AssociationsattheCountyLevelandAbove*Source:[http://www.
cca.
org.
cn/aboutus/6‐gzcj1.
htm].
Table6.
OtherQuasi‐GovernmentAssociationsandItsGrassrootsGroupsOtherQuasi‐GovernmentAssociationsGrassrootsGroupsFamilyPlanningAssociations1,020,000Consumers'Associations156,000AssociationsofDisabled40,000Volunteers'Associations24,000AssociationsofLiterature&Arts45,000SportsAssociations53,220Sub‐total1,338,220AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes41Table6sumsupthenumberofgrassrootsgroupsaffiliatedwithsixquasi‐governmentalassociations.
Together,thefour‐teenorganizationsincludedinTables5and6encompasssome6.
7milliongrassrootsorganizations.
Themainfunctionofthoseorganizationsistoinvolvepeoplefromspecificsegmentsofthesocietyinactivitiesinspecificareasandmakesurethatsuchactivitieswouldnotspinoutofstatecontrol.
Duetotheircloseconnectionswiththegovernment,theymaybemoresuscepti‐bletostateinterferencethanotherorganizationsandthemem‐bershipwithinsome(notall)ofthemmaynotevenbeentirelyvoluntary.
Nevertheless,astheyplayimportantrolesintheeconomic,social,political,andculturallivesformillionsofChinese,anystudyofassociationallifeinChinawouldbein‐completeiftheyweretobeexcluded.
VI.
GrassrootsandVirtualOrganizationsAccordingtoChina's"RegulationontheRegistrationandAdministrationofAssociations,"groupsoperatingwithingov‐ernmentagencies,institutions,enterprises,schools,urbanneighborhoods,andruralcommunitiesareconsidered"inter‐nal"organizationsandnotrequiredtoregisterwithMCA.
MCAanditslocalbureausdonotevenbothertocollectinfor‐mationaboutassociationsbelowthecountylevel.
Forthisrea‐son,grassrootsassociationshavelargelybeenignoredbytheliteratureonChina'scivilsociety,althoughtheyhaveplayedan42ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeactiveandincreasinglymoreimportantroleinChineseassocia‐tionallife.
Examplesincludebookdiscussionclubs,choralso‐cieties,hikingclubs,amateursportsclubs,literarycircles,reli‐giousgroups,hobbygroups,elderlyassociations,friendshipgroups,students'associations,diseasesupportgroups,andthelike.
AreportongrassrootsassociationsinShanghai,forin‐stance,foundthattherewere4,658readinggroupsin92workunitssurveyedintheAugust1999,including1,061groupsonsocialscience,1,600onscienceandtechnology,648oneconom‐icsandmanagement,644oncultureandarts,and705onhob‐bies(Yin,2001:244).
Mostofgrassrootsassociationsarelocallybased,significantlyautonomous,andvolunteer‐run.
Theypro‐videtheirmemberswithinformation,stimulation,opportuni‐tiesforself‐expression,socialsupport,fellowship,andmutualaid,andthushavemanykindsofsignificant"internalimpact"ontheirmembers.
Ineachworkunitsorcommunity,thenum‐berofsuchgrassrootsgroupsmaybesmall,butcumulatively,theirtotalnumbermustbegigantic.
Itisimpossibletoascertaintheexactnumberwithoutanation‐widesurvey.
Table7pre‐sentsourconservativeestimatesaboutthenumbersof11typesofgrassrootsgroups.
Threetypesarediscussedbelow.
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes43Table7.
GrassrootsGroupsGrassrootsGroupsNumberCollegeStudentGroups20,700HighSchoolStudentGroups95,000Community‐basedRecreationalGroups50,000Philately41,000OtherHobbyGroups130,000SeniorCitizens'Schools17,000TheElderlyAssociations70,000Home‐owners'Associations15,000ReligiousGroups170,000FriendshipGroups50,000BBSandVirtualAssociations100,000Sub‐total758,700A.
Students'AssociationsatCollegeCampusesThereare1,472universitiesandcollegesinChinabytheendof2003.
Werandomlyselected108forourinvestigation.
Aftersampling,webrowsedthewebsitesoftheseschoolstolookforinformationonstudents'associationsineachofthem.
Alloftheseschoolsprovidetheirlistsofstudents'groupsactiveontheircampusesandsomeofferdetailedinformationoneachofthem.
Theselistsmayormaynotbeexhaustive.
Inanyevent,weidentifyaltogether1,519students'groupsamongthe108universities.
Inotherwords,eachuniversityonaveragehas14.
06.
11Someuniversitiesseemtohavemorevibrantassocia‐11.
AsurveyconductedinShanghailargelyconfirmsthisestimate.
Therewere44ShaoguangWangandJianyuHetionallifethanothersdo.
Thenumberofstudents'groupsoneachcampusrangesfrom100atHarbinPolytechnicUniversitytojustoneatXinjiangUniversity.
Table8showsthatthedistri‐butionofdifferenttypesofstudentsassociationinoursample.
Apparently,literaryandartsgroupsaremostattractivetocol‐legestudents.
Usingtheaveragederivedfromoursample,weestimatethatthereareatleast20,700(14.
061,472)students'associationsonuniversitycampusesinChina.
Thesamemethodisalsousedtoestimatethenumberofstudents'groupsathighschools.
Table8.
TypesofStudents'Associationsat108UniversitiesTypesNumberPercentageLiterary&Arts64742.
6Sports&Health25316.
6Science&Technology18312SocialScience15710.
3VoluntaryService1469.
6StudyGroups1006.
6Others332.
2Total1519100*Source:Ourowndatabank.
712associationsin56universitiesinShanghaiin2000.
Theaveragewasabout12.
Thedistributionofthoseassociationswasalsosimilarwithouronlinesurveywith57percentofgroupsactiveintheareasofliterary&artsandsports(SDSYL,2001).
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes45B.
Community‐basedGroupsChinahas5,576urbanresidentialcommunitiesand20,601townships(StateStatisticalBureau,2003:3).
Howmanycom‐munity‐basedrecreationalgroupsarethereNooneknows.
Nevertheless,anytouristtoChinesecitieswouldimmediatelyspotsignsoflivelyrecreationalactivitiesingroupform.
Ofcourse,moregroupactivitiesarenotobservabletooutsiders.
TakeRuijinCommunityinShanghaiasanexample.
Anareaof1.
98squarekilometerswiththepopulationof93,000,thecom‐munityhad465grassrootsassociationsof41types,whichin‐volvedtheparticipationofmorethan6,000residents(seeTable9).
Allthesegroupswerefoundedafter1990.
Retireeswereamongthemostactiveparticipants.
MostofgroupleaderswereeitherthemembersoftheResidentialCommittee(46%)orretirees(46%).
Moreover,mostofthegroupswereinitiatedbytheResidentialCommittee,andonlyahandfulofsportsclubswerestartedbyindividualresidents(Yin,2001).
Thiscaseisbynomeansrepresentativeoftheoverallsitua‐tioninChina.
Mostofthecountry'surbanandruralcommuni‐tiesmaynotbeasvivaciousastheRuijinCommunityis.
Nev‐ertheless,evenifweassumethateachurbancommunityhasfivegroupsandeachruralcommunityhasonlyone,thenum‐berofcommunity‐basedgroupsinthecountrywouldreacharound50,000.
46ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeTable9.
GrassrootsAssociationsintheRuijinCommunity,ShanghaiTypesNo.
Name(includingActivities)GroupNoMembership1Volunteers'AssociationsandGroups121282VoluntaryPatrolGroups3052953LegalConsultingServiceGroups12654HealthConsultingGroups(ConsistofRetiredDoctors)5305SanitationMonitoringGroups91336MedicalServiceGroups(IncludingHumanMilkFeedingSupportingGroups)5777PsychologicalCounselingGroups3178VoluntaryGroupsforHelpingFamilieswithSubsistenceDifficulties630Self-Service9GroupsforScientificBaby‐fostering21110SeniorCitizens'Schools45111NewspaperReadingGroupsfortheElders33712CurrentAffairsDiscussionGroups22913CitizenshipSchools24514PropagandaGroups23115YoungPioneersRadioGroups55216YoungPeople'sPropagandaGroups335LearningandPropganda17PopularScienceGroups1216418ComprehensiveCaringGroupsfortheWeakens42719ArmyMan'sFamily‐caringGroups429CaringandMutualHelp20Elders‐caringGroups429AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes4721WomenandChildren‐caringGroups21522Youth‐caringGroups42923AssociationsforFloatingWomenWorkers23124NeighboringMutualHelpingGroups32825OtherMutualHelpingGroups21726ChineseGongfuExcisingGroups1322027EighteenthQigongGroups1119628HealthImprovingGroups510529Long‐lifeQigongGroups67830Waist‐drumGroups22531RuyiQigongGroups358SportsandHealthImproving32OtherSportsGroups46033SingingGroups1724434DancingGroups56735PaintingandCalligraphyGroups86536ForeignLanguageCorner22637BraidandWeavingGroups77638TraditionalandBeijingOperaGroups55539CookingGroups56040MiniascapeandIkebanaGroups541ArtsandHobbies41OtherArtsGroups448*Source:Yin(2001:246‐247).
C.
AssociationsinCyberspaceWhatwehavediscussedheretoforeareallassociationsin48ShaoguangWangandJianyuHerealspace.
Sincethemid‐1990s,personalcomputershavepenetratedworkplacesandhomesinurbanChina.
Meanwhile,thegrowthofinternethasbeenequallyastounding,withthenumberofinternetusersdoublingevery12monthsorso(seeFigure10).
Accordingtothe"ThirteenthSemiannualSurveyReportsontheInternetinChina"releasedbytheChinaInter‐netNetworkInformationCenter(CNNIC,http://www.
cnnic.
net.
cn/html/Dir/2004/02/03/2114.
htm),thenumberofInternetusersreached79.
5millionbyJanuary2004.
TheInternetprovidesaplatformforindividuals‐‐throughemail,chatrooms,newsgroups,andclubs‐‐toformformalandinformalgroups"forthepurposeofexchanges,includingresourcetransactionsandrelationsreinforcement"(Lin,2001:212)regardlessoftheirphysicallocation.
HowdoestheInternetaffectChineseassociationallifeDoesitpromotethegrowthof"virtual"associationsThissubsectiontriestoanswerthesequestionsbyfocusingononeparticularformofvirtualcom‐munity‐‐theBulletinBoardSystem.
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes49Figure10.
InternetUsersinChina:1997‐2003(million)*Source:CNNIC,ZhongguoHulianWangluoFazhanZhuangkuangTongjiBaogao[SemiannualReportsontheDevelopmentofInternetinChina][http://www.
cnnic.
net.
cn/index/0E/00/11/index.
htm].
Interactionbetweenmembersisboththemaincauseandfunctionofassociation.
TheBulletinBoardSystem(BBS)ontheInternetisavirtualforumthatprovidesageneralcommunitystructurearoundwhichuserscangatherandinteract.
Anyin‐dividualwhofrequentsavirtualforumorBBScanbeconsid‐eredamemberofthatcommunity,simplybytheirattendance.
TheBBScommunityconsistsofavarietyofboards,eachofwhichfocusesonaspecifictopic,likecurrentaffairs,history,reading,literature,arts,techniques,hobbies,mutualhelp,andvolunteering.
SomeeminentBBSforumshavelargenumbersofloyalmembers.
Forexample,setupbyPeopleDaily'sNetinMay1999,QiangguoLuntan(StrengtheningChinaForum,http://bbs.
people.
com.
cn/bbs/start)isoneofthemostrenowned50ShaoguangWangandJianyuHepoliticalforums,with290,000membershipIDs.
Onaverage,about12,000piecesofmessagesarepostedeveryday.
Thehighestnumberofsimultaneousonlinemembersamountsto50,000.
Alsosetupin1999,TianyaVirtualClub(http://www.
tianyaclub.
com)hasnowmorethan1millionreg‐isteredIDs.
SMTHBBS(http://www.
smth.
org),theearliestinChina,isoneofmostfamousuniversity‐basedBBS.
Withmorethan150,000memberIDs,italwayshasmorethan10,000membersspontaneouslyonline.
Accordingtotheestimationofitsmanagers,therealmembershipshouldbenolessthan100,000.
SMTHoffersover300boards,coveringalmosteveryareaofuniversitylife.
Figure11.
BBSUsers,1999‐2004(million)*Source:ZhongguoHulianWangluoFazhanZhuangkuangTongjiBaogao.
CalculatedfromCNNIC's13thsurveys,Figure11tracestheAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes51growthofChineseBBSusersinthelastfewyears.
ByJanuary2004,asmanyas15millionChinesewereregularBBSusers.
HowmanyBBSforumsarethereinChinaThereisnosystematicstatisticsavailable,butitispossibletocomeupwitharoughestimate.
Therewerealtogether595,550websitesinthecountrybytheendof2003.
Theycouldbedividedintosevenbroadcategories:websitesofenterprises,commercialwebsite,personalwebsites,websitesofeducationandresearchinstitu‐tions,otherbusinesswebsites,governmentwebsites,andweb‐sitesofnonprofitorganizations.
Inits13thsurvey,CNNICre‐portedthat19.
2percentof422,245websitesofenterprisespro‐videdBBSforums,whichmeant81,071BBSonthistypeofwebsitesalone.
TheBBSforumsonenterpriseswebsitesweremostlyorientedtowardtheircustomersorstaff,andrelatedtoitsproductsorservices.
Mostofthemhavelittleinfluenceinthepublic.
Among48,835commercialwebsites,9.
1percentofthemsetupthe4,444BBSforums.
12ManyBBSforumspro‐videdbycommercialwebsiteshaveenormousinfluenceoninternetusers.
ExamplesincludeSINA.
com,SOHU.
comandXilu.
com.
Xilu.
comisaprofessionalproviderofvirtualcom‐munities,wheresome520,000forumshaveregisteredwithmorethan10millionmemberIDs.
Atanymoment,morethan10,000personsvisitthoseforums.
Asfor19,058governmentwebsites,35.
6%ofthemprovided6,785BBSforums.
Althoughthereisnodataontheeducationandresearchinstitutions'BBS12.
ThenumberofthistypeofBBSesdonotseemtobeverystable.
CNNIC's2002surveyidentified8,470BBSforumsprovidedbycommercialweb‐sites.
52ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeintheCNNICsurvey,weknowthat160collegeBBSforumshaveregisteredathttp://www.
cn‐bbs.
orgby2003,eachofwhichprovidesonaverage17bulletinboards.
Onaverage,eachcollegeBBShas13,730memberIDs.
Finally,thereare38,711personalwebsites,manyofwhichalsosetupBBSfo‐rums,eventhoughwehavenowaytoestablishtheexactnumberofpersonalBBSforums.
Addingtheestimatesto‐gether,weareconfidenttoconcludethattherearenolessthan100,000BBSforumsinChina,probablymanymore.
Eachbulletinboardfunctionsasavirtualcommunity.
TowhatextentisavirtualcommunitydifferentfromatraditionalassociationTwotypesofactivitiesareworthnoting.
First,op‐posedtotheopenforum,closeforumshaveemergedrecently.
Theseforumshavecleargoalsandorientations.
Theirmem‐bershipsdonotopentothepublicandreferencefromtheex‐istingmemberisalwaystheprerequisitetojointheforum.
Rightsandobligationsarealwaysclearlydeclaredandmustbeobeyed.
Thecloseforumisverymuchlikeanassociation.
DognClub(http://www.
dogn.
net),acloseforumorientedtotheseri‐ous‐mindedcommunication,isagoodexample.
Itisopenforbrowsing,butthemembershipisunderstrictcontrol.
Theclubestablishesa5‐personmembershipcommitteetoscreenappli‐cations.
Onevetofromanycommitteememberwilldenyanapplication.
Nowithasonly386memberIDand12boards.
LeagueforBBSMastersisanotherexample.
FoundedinSep‐tember2001,itisaconfidentialforumaimingatbuildingavir‐tualassociationforthecommunicationofBBSmasters.
ThepreconditionforitsmembershipisthattheapplicanthastobeaAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes53masteroflarge‐sizedBBS.
Internalrefereeisrequiredforany‐onewhointendstoapplyformembership.
Second,virtualas‐sociationallifecanbetransformedfromthecyberspaceintoformalorinformalassociationsintherealworld.
Get‐togethersofnet‐matesarenowquitecommonfortheBBSusers.
SomemembersofatouristBBSmaytraveltogether;sportsloversmayplayballseveryweekend;andreadinggroupsmaymeettodebateonsomeissues.
GuantianTeahouse,aboardinTianyaClub(http://www.
tianyaclub.
com),isvirtualteabarforthosewhoareinterestedinpoliticaldebateandattractsmanyprominentscholarsandwritersfrombothliberalandnewleftcamps.
Despitetheirconflictingideologicalorientations,net‐matesoftheBBSorganizedlecturesatdifferentcitiesfromtimetotime.
AsTable10shows,duringthesummerin2003,14gatheringwereheldbythenet‐matesofGuantianinninecities.
Constitutionalism,citizenship,anddemocratizationswerehottopicsinthegathering.
54ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeTable10.
RecentGatheringsofGuantianTeahouseBoardinTianyaClubDateCityTopics#ofParticipants2003‐6‐28Hangzhou,ZhejiangLectureontheEconomicSociologicalExplanationofChinasReform2003‐6‐29Hangzhou,ZhejiangEnvironmentalProtectingHiking2003‐7‐11BeijingDinnerTalkonConstitutionalismAround20persons2003‐7‐13Guangzhou,GuangdongLectureonNewsReform2003‐7‐19Guangzhou,GuangdongClimbing20persons2003‐7‐26Xian,ShaanxiInternet,CitizenshipandDemocratization7persons2003‐7‐26BeijingLectureonRulebyLaw,GivenbyDr.
YuJianrong,aFamousScholarintheFieldofRuralPoliticsAbout50persons2003‐8‐2Chengdu,SichuanConstitutionalReform2003‐8‐6Wenzhou,ZhejingConfucianismandCultureandDevelopmentofWenzhou2003‐8‐9Wuhan,Hubei2003‐8‐10BeijingLectureGivenbyDr.
LiuJunning,aPoliticalScientist80persons2003‐8‐26ShanghaiChineseCultureandDemocracy,InternetandPublicOpinionAbout20persons2003‐8‐27Ji'nan,ShandongHuangJingsCase(AWell‐knownDatingRapeCaseoftheYear)About30persons2003‐9‐3Xian,ShaanxiHistory,Democratization,LaborAssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes55Nodoubt,theInternethasgreatlyexpandedthesocialspaceforChineseassociationallife.
VII.
SummaryThispaperprovidesaquantitativeassessmentoftheden‐sityanddiversityofassociationallifeinChina.
Table11sum‐marizesourfindingspresentedintheprecedingsections.
Clearly,ifourattentionweretobefocusedonwhatChinesecalled"socialorganizations"orworseyetonthosesocialor‐ganizationsthatarefinancially,functionally,andpoliticallyautonomousfromthestate,wewouldmisslargepartsofChina'sassociationallandscapes.
Thefindingsaboutthenumberofoperatingassociationsrunparallelwiththoseabouttheparticipationrateofassocia‐tionallife.
The1990WorldValueSurvey,forinstance,foundthat27.
6percentofChinesehadactivemembershipinoneormoreassociations(Table12).
CommissionedbyUNDP,ourown2001surveyconfirmedtheresultsoftheWorldValueSurvey(Table13).
Therefore,itishardlyanexaggerationforustoconclude,"Yes,Chinaisindeedpartoftheglobalassociationrevolution.
"56ShaoguangWangandJianyuHeTable11.
TheTotalEstimatedNumberofAssociationsinChinaCategoryNumberRegisteredSocialOrganizations142,000RegisteredPrivateNon‐enterpriseUnits124,000UnregisteredSocialOrganizations40,000UnregisteredPrivateNon‐enterpriseUnits250,000EightMassOrganizations5,378,424OtherQuasi‐GovernmentAssociations1,338,220GrassrootsGroups758,700Total8,031,344Table12.
ActiveMembershipinanyOrganizationsExceptPoliticalParty#ofAssociationsthatIntervieweeParticipatedFrequencyPercent0181072.
4146818.
721496.
03572.
34130.
5520.
1610.
0Total2500100*Source:WorldValueSurvey(1990).
AssociationalRevolutioninChina:MappingtheLandscapes57Table13.
HaveYouParticipatedinAssociationalActivitiesAnswerFrequencyPercentYes42223.
9No134576.
1Total1767100*Source:Ourowndatabank.
Ofcourse,theorganizationslistedinTable11differgreatlyfromoneanotherintheirorigins,natures,internalstructures,sourcesoffinancing,membershipprofiles,relationshipswiththestate,andsoon,eventhoughtheyallhelpformdurablenetworksofmoreorlessinstitutionalizedrelationshipsamongtheirmembers.
Therefore,mappingoutthelandscapesisatbestthefirststeptostudytheassociationalrevolutioninChina.
Manymorequestionsneedtobescrutinizedbeforewecanfullygraspthesignificanceoftherevolution.
WhatfactorshavecontributedtoChina'srecentassociationalrevolutionWhyhastheassociationalspaceinChinabeenpopulatedmorebycertaintypesoforganizationsthanothersHowaredifferenttypesofassociationorganizedinternallyWhatkindsofpeoplearemostlikelytojoinassociationsAreallassociationsalikewithrespecttoboththeamountandthesortofsocialcapital"produced"AremembershipsofaparticularassociationalsectoraremorelikelytoscorehighlyoncertaindimensionsofsocialcapitalthanonothersTowhatextentisthesocialcapitalgeneratedbytheseorganizationsofbenefitnotonlytotheirownmembersbutalsotothesocietyasawholeWhatkindsof58ShaoguangWangandJianyuHesocialcapitalaredifferentcategoriesofassociationslikelytoproduce,bondingorbridgingWhattypesofassociationsaremorecapableoffosteringcooperation,civicengagement,tol‐erance,trust,andthenormsofreciprocityDoesparticipationinnonpoliticalorinvoluntaryorganizationshelpstimulatepo‐liticalinvolvementandinterestIsassociationallifereallytheschoolfordemocraticcitizenshipHowconduciveisassocia‐tionallifetotheformationofcivicanddemocraticvirtuesDoassociationmemberstendtoactasbettercitizensthannon‐membersdoThosequestionswillguideourfuturere‐search.
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